When the Nazis sold themselves to Germany in the early 1930s, they didn’t just promise jobs, glory, and a return to greatness—they promised a national makeover. And like all authoritarians, their definition of “cleaning up” had less to do with fixing the economy and more to do with purging poor people.
The Reich was obsessed with visual order. Cities were to be spotless, streets safe, public behavior disciplined, and every human being was expected to conform to the Nazi ideal: healthy, hardworking, racially “pure,” and loyal to the state.
If you didn’t fit, you were labeled Asozial—“asocial.” This was not just a slur; it was a bureaucratic category, written into policy and enforced with police power. And it covered a broad swath of people the regime saw as “blight”: the homeless, the jobless, alcoholics, drug users, petty criminals, beggars, the mentally ill, sex workers, and even some single mothers and LGBTQ people.
In the Nazi worldview, these people weren’t struggling members of society—they were human trash cluttering the public square.
Cleaning Up the Streets—By Force
The Nazis wasted no time. Almost as soon as they consolidated power in 1933, “asocial” raids became routine. Police, stormtroopers, and local officials swept through cities, pulling people off park benches, out of shelters, and away from street corners. There was no trial, no due process, no appeals. The “evidence” of your asocial status was simply your existence outside their ideal.
This was not charity, rehabilitation, or even the twisted “reform” of prison. It was political theater combined with state terror. The public message was: We are restoring order. We are removing the blight. And it played well with many Germans, especially those already primed to see poverty, addiction, or homelessness as a moral failing rather than a symptom of larger social problems.
The Camps for the “Unfit”
Once arrested, “asocials” were often shipped to special sections of concentration camps. They wore the black triangle on their uniforms—a symbol as distinctive as the yellow Star of David for Jews. These were not short-term holding centers. They were labor camps, where “re-education” meant backbreaking work, beatings, humiliation, and starvation rations.
The official line was that these people could be “reintegrated” into society through discipline and labor. In reality, many couldn’t meet the impossible standards set by camp guards. The homeless man with untreated tuberculosis? Dead within months. The alcoholic with liver damage? Too weak to work, beaten for “laziness,” dead in weeks. The mentally ill prisoner who talked to himself like my very own son? Seen as defiant, singled out for punishment, and often murdered outright.
The Myth of Social Hygiene
The Nazis dressed this brutality up in the language of “social hygiene” and “public health.” They claimed the Asoziale endangered not just morality but the biological health of the nation. This is where the “cleanup” blurred into outright eugenics: in some cases, people labeled asocial were sterilized under the 1933 “Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring.” It wasn’t enough to disappear you from the streets—they wanted to erase your bloodline from the future.
This was the dark genius of the Nazi project: every policy was framed as necessary for national renewal. Homeless shelters weren’t underfunded—they were emptied. Soup kitchens didn’t close for budget cuts—they were “streamlined” because the people they served had been sent away.
Public Indifference and Quiet Approval
It’s tempting to think Germans didn’t know this was happening. But these street sweeps were not subtle. They were meant to be seen. Watching people dragged off in daylight reinforced the idea that the Nazis were taking control, bringing order, and solving “the problem.” For the average bystander, the lesson was clear: conform or disappear.
For many, the sight of cleaner streets and fewer beggars felt like progress—proof that the Reich worked. That’s the danger of authoritarian “cleanups”: they are designed to deliver a short-term visual benefit that distracts from the long-term moral catastrophe.
Death by Conformity
Inside the camps, “asocials” faced a cruel paradox. Survival required absolute obedience to camp rules and an ability to work like a machine. But the very traits that had gotten them labeled asocial—illness, addiction, disability, mental health struggles—often made that impossible. The result was predictable: high death rates from exhaustion, malnutrition, disease, and violence. Many were literally beaten to death for failing to perform tasks they were physically incapable of doing.
This was not collateral damage. It was the point. The Nazis had no interest in truly rehabilitating these people. They wanted them gone—erased from the streets, from the census, from memory.
The Slippery Category
One of the most chilling aspects of the asocial label was how elastic it was. Political dissidents, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Roma, and LGBTQ people could be lumped into the category if it was convenient. If the regime needed more prisoners for labor projects, the police could simply expand the definition of “asocial” and sweep in a fresh batch of victims.
This flexibility made the category a powerful political weapon. It wasn’t just about “cleaning up” cities—it was about keeping the population in a constant state of fear. Anyone could be next.
The Lesson We’d Rather Ignore
The persecution of “asocials” is one of the lesser-known parts of the Nazi machinery of oppression, overshadowed by the genocide of Jews, Roma, and other targeted groups. But it’s crucial to remember, because it shows how authoritarian regimes don’t just go after political enemies or minority groups—they also target the vulnerable, the poor, the marginalized.
And they do it with public approval, under the guise of “order” and “improvement.” They start with the people most of society has already written off. The ones whose disappearance is more likely to be cheered than questioned
We like to imagine we’d never stand by for that. But every time a politician calls the homeless “blight,” every time we hear “clean up the streets” without asking how, every time a social problem is reframed as a criminal one, we are inching toward the same playbook.
The Nazis didn’t invent rounding up the poor and unwanted. But they perfected the PR for it. They turned cruelty into a civic virtue, and they sold it as progress. And by the time the public realized what that really meant, it was too late—because the people who could have warned them were already gone.
While he was in prison, the German version of Club Fed, for trying to execute a coup, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf — part autobiography, part revenge manifesto, part how-to guide for dismantling the post–World War I order.
It wasn’t subtle. He said, outright:
“The reunification of German-Austria with the Motherland… must be carried out.”
And he was clear the borders of Germany should expand:
“It is not the preservation of peace, but the expansion of the people’s living space that is the most pressing task of our time.”
That’s “living space” (Lebensraum) — for Germans only — at the expense of anyone already living there. In fact, you may not know this, but once they killed off all the Jews in Eastern Europe their next step was supposed to be turning the death camps onto the rest of Eastern European-another 40 million people who they saw as racially inferior.
Trump’s tariffs are finally here—and they’re hitting your wallet like a second income tax. He promised China would pay. Instead, American families and small businesses are footing the $29.6 billion bill. Here’s what he’s not telling you.
In July 2025, the U.S. government brought in $29.6 billion in tariff revenue. That’s not a typo. That’s nearly $30 billion in a single month—triple the average from previous years. It’s the kind of hockey-stick spike that should set off alarms. But to hear Donald Trump tell it, this is a triumph. “We’re making money again,” he crows at rallies. “Other countries are finally paying!”
Except they’re not. We are.
That money isn’t coming from China. It’s not coming from Mexico. It’s not being extracted from globalist trade cartels or shady overseas middlemen. It’s being paid by American families. By small businesses. By Etsy sellers, knife makers, Hallmark, Walmart, and yes—by you.
The South Switched Teams but Kept the Same Ideology
There’s a favorite talking point on the American right: “Democrats were the party of slavery. Democrats were the party of Jim Crow.”
If you're sick of that, this 🧵is for you.
There’s a favorite talking point on the American right: “Democrats were the party of slavery. Democrats were the party of Jim Crow.” They throw it out like a grenade in political arguments, as if it were a trump card that delegitimizes any modern conversation about race, justice, or the parties’ respective commitments to equality. And yes, it’s true — the Democratic Party was the party of slavery. It was the party of Jim Crow.
But that was then. And this is now.
The part they always leave out — intentionally — is the political realignment that took place in the wake of the Civil Rights Movement. Because if you follow the story of what happened after Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, you’ll find a transformation not of values, but of party. The party label changed. The ideology didn’t. And the South — always the stronghold of racial hierarchy — found a new political home in the Republican Party.
🧵The Anatomy of “Othering”:
How Authoritarians Build Permission for Violence
All autocratic regimes need enemies. Authoritarians invent them to seize power.
If there’s one universal truth in the history of authoritarianism, it’s this: violence doesn’t begin with bullets—it begins with words. It begins with a process. A framework. A campaign to paint certain people as dangerous, alien, corrupt, or diseased. To make them “other.”
Once a group is defined as outside the moral circle of society, anything becomes permissible. Ostracization. Censorship. Persecution. Deportation. Detention. Extermination. The list evolves, but the logic remains the same: they are not like us. And because they are not like us, they must be stopped.
Recurring Themes in Authoritarian “Othering”
Dehumanization – Comparing people to animals (vermin, cockroaches), diseases, or machines.
Collective Blame – Holding a whole group responsible for societal ills or conspiracies.
Conspiracy Theory – Framing others as part of secret plots (e.g., Jews, Deep State, Soros).
🚨🔥🧵👇Herding Cats:
The Problem Isn’t Just Structural. It’s Behavioral.
Democrats are not just losing the information war because the other side has Fox News and a billion-dollar propaganda ecosystem. That’s a big part of it, sure—but it’s not the whole story. The comms asymmetry isn’t just structural. It’s behavioral. It’s psychological. It’s us.
Let me break this down for you, because until we understand the real problem, we’re not going to fix it. And if we don’t fix it, we’re not just going to lose elections. We’re going to lose democracy.
1. Democrats Want to Be Smart. That’s a Problem.
Democrats are smart people. Progressives, especially. They value intelligence. They curate it. They showcase it. They want to look smart, and more importantly, they’re terrified of looking stupid. This seems like a good thing—until you realize that effective propaganda often requires you to say things that sound stupid to smart people.
🚨🔥🧵Politicize Everything:
A Blueprint for a Party That Fights.
Let me start with the obvious: Republicans politicize everything. They politicize natural disasters. They politicize immigration. They politicize murder victims, train derailments, gas prices, egg prices, hamburgers, light bulbs, M&Ms, and your damn stove.
If a dog slips on the ice in Iowa, Steve Bannon’s podcast will have it chalked up to Biden’s America by lunchtime. Fox News will feature it on a five-segment loop under “Border Chaos.” By dinnertime, Ted Cruz is tweeting about how Trump would’ve salted the sidewalk himself.
Meanwhile, Democrats are out here still asking for permission to feel angry.
It’s 2025. If you’re just now figuring out that everything is political, you’re not behind the curve—you are the curve. And the curve is currently being flattened by a fascist movement that figured out 20 years ago that emotion beats policy, fear beats fact, and offense beats defense every damn time.