For more than a century, the world has measured progress with numbers: GDP, stock indices, exchange rates. Money became the universal language of power. But perhaps this language is already obsolete.
China is quietly advancing a new metric of strength. It is not expressed in dollars or yuan, nor does it appear in IMF tables. It lies in the collective ability of its people.
Look at the children. They study ten hours a day. They memorize, calculate, compete. For every position, ten candidates are ready to prove themselves. In the narrow sense, this competition drives down wages. In the deeper sense, it multiplies capacity. The discipline, the ambition, the sheer volume of effort becomes a reservoir of national power. None of this is counted in GDP. Yet it is more decisive than GDP.
GDP records transactions. It tells us how much was spent, how much was consumed. But it does not record the unseen labor of study, the invisible accumulation of knowledge, the patient cultivation of skill. These hours of human effort are in fact the truest form of wealth—because they are the soil from which every technology, every invention, every breakthrough will grow.
The West measures wealth in money. China is redefining wealth as collective capability. And once capability is the measure, the equation changes. Money can be printed. Real estate can collapse. Stock markets can be manipulated. But human ability—trained minds, disciplined bodies, organized effort—cannot be conjured overnight. It must be built generation by generation.
This is why when China declares that it will land people on the moon before 2030, the statement is frighteningly credible. It is not just a financial budget line. It is backed by the collective hours of its people, their study, their discipline, their belief that work and learning are themselves a kind of national duty.
The seismic shock will come when China lands on the moon. The shock will come when the world realizes that money is no longer the true measure of civilization. The new measure is the collective ability of a people to organize, to learn, to endure.
This is the true GDP of nations.
1. Underestimated Strength – China’s official GDP figures likely understate its real economic power (due to lower price levels, currency valuation, and unaccounted sectors). Similarly, its military capacity is deliberately opaque, hiding advancements until they’re already operational.
2. Credibility of Action – Unlike Western governments, where political turnover often derails long-term projects, China’s state apparatus builds on continuity. When Beijing announces a target—whether hypersonic weapons, a space station, or lunar exploration—it tends to deliver.
3. Seismic Shock Ahead – A lunar landing before 2030 would not just be technological. It would be symbolic: the same kind of geopolitical shock the Soviet Union created in 1957 with Sputnik. Except this time, it comes from a nation that already leads in global trade, manufacturing, and increasingly in high-tech domains.
Poverty, Welfare, and Civilization
The Western approach to poverty is built around welfare. Money is handed out, subsidies are distributed, housing projects are built. But welfare, in practice, too often degenerates into dependency. It does not cultivate capability; it sustains hopelessness. In council estates and public housing projects, this pattern is visible: welfare money produces not order but riots, not integration but alienation.
The deeper flaw is cultural. The West is reluctant to instill values into immigrant or poor populations. It fears that to insist on discipline, on order, on politeness, is somehow oppressive. Under the influence of critical race theory, even the very act of asking people to be civilized, to be clean, to be lawful, is interpreted as hidden racism—because it implies that those populations are uncivilized, unclean, or disorderly. And so, instead of values, the poor are given stipends. Instead of integration, they are given silence.
China practices something entirely different. Poverty alleviation is not only material—it is civilizational. From the villages of Guangdong to the farthest rural provinces, the poor are not only given infrastructure and jobs; they are exhorted to be clean, polite, orderly, and lawful. They are disciplined into stability, beautified into dignity. This is not seen as racism. It is seen as the path to becoming full members of a civilized community.
This difference explains the divergence in results. Welfare in the West breeds dependency. Poverty alleviation in China breeds capability. The West sustains the poor as permanent outsiders. China transforms the poor into participants of modernity.
And in this lies a hidden source of power. For every family lifted from disorder into order, for every child trained to study ten hours a day, for every worker taught to be clean and disciplined, the collective strength of the nation multiplies. This is the true wealth of China, invisible in GDP tables but visible in its capacity to modernize millions.
In the 1980s, China launched the campaign of 五讲四美—“Five Stresses, Four Beauties.” It called on citizens to stress civility, manners, hygiene, discipline, and morals, while embodying the beauties of mind, language, behavior, and environment. It was not a mere slogan but a social project: to take a vast rural, often impoverished population and mold it into a modern, orderly, and civilized citizenry. In recent years, Rwanda has explicitly borrowed from this Chinese model, emphasizing cleanliness, discipline, and social order as foundations of national renewal. Kigali, now famous as Africa’s cleanest capital, is a direct product of this imitation: plastic bans, monthly community clean-up days, and public exhortations to civility echo China’s earlier project of beautifying and disciplining society. What in the West might be dismissed as “authoritarian social engineering” has, in both China and Rwanda, produced visible transformations in public life and national image.
Africa, too, could one day replicate the path of China. The continent is young, full of energy, and rich in resources. But resources alone are not enough; without a civilizational project to discipline, uplift, and integrate the population, that energy can dissolve into chaos. Riots left unattended, looting left unreprimanded, only perpetuate weakness. In Tanzania, in Congo, it is not rare to see Chinese shops looted without consequence. In Indonesia, the riots of 1997, when Chinese merchants were massacred, revealed the same pattern: industriousness and discipline contrasted with disorder, and envy translated into violence. The wealth of the overseas Chinese communities did not come from privilege; it came from discipline, thrift, and industriousness. Yet instead of learning from this example, governments too often tolerated or even encouraged the plunder. Africa could become China, but only if it dares to launch a civilizational campaign of its own—one that inculcates cleanliness, order, discipline, and education, rather than excusing disorder as a permanent condition.
Investors are always searching for lower costs of production, but wages alone do not explain why capital flows where it does. China attracted foreign investment not simply because it was cheap, but because its people were disciplined, orderly, and lawful. A factory requires not only machines and capital but also a workforce capable of showing up on time, following procedures, and working in harmony. This quality of the population—especially of the lower classes—is what truly attracts investment. Manufacturing depends on hordes of workers who are not riotous or chaotic but organized and stable. China possessed this collective discipline, and that is why it became the workshop of the world. Many other countries offered cheap labor, but they could not offer the same reliability, order, or lawfulness. It is this hidden quality of population, not just wages, that determines industrial success.
The true path out of poverty for developing nations is not aid, nor endless welfare, but foreign investment. Yet investment does not flow automatically—it follows order, not chaos. Low wages may attract interest, but without security, no factory can operate. This is why criminality rates are in fact a hidden index of development. A high-crime society cannot host stable industry; investors will not build where goods are looted, workers are undisciplined, or contracts are unenforced. China understood this early: its disciplined, low-crime environment, combined with an educated and orderly workforce, gave foreign investors confidence that capital would be safe and production uninterrupted. Many other countries had cheap labor too, but lacked lawfulness. In the end, it is not only cost but the civility and stability of the population that determines whether a country can rise out of poverty.
If we look at history with clarity, we can see that only two civilizations have achieved truly large-scale, advanced industrialization. One is the Protestant Christian world of Northern Europe and North America; the other is the Confucian world of East Asia. It is crude to put it so simply, but the pattern is unmistakable. Many explanations have been given—geography, resources, or innate intelligence. But intelligence itself is not an origin; it is an accumulation. The higher “IQ” often attributed to these populations is the historical product of generations of disciplined labor, of respect for learning, of extra effort invested day after day, century after century. What unites Protestant and Confucian traditions is not theology but ethos: discipline, order, respect for rules, and the willingness to subordinate the individual moment to the collective project of progress. These traits, more than natural gifts, have laid the foundations of industrial power.
The relationship between IQ and effort is much like the chicken and the egg—but effort comes first. Every hour a person spends studying, every disciplined act of labor, builds neural circuits that become part of the collective cognitive heritage of a nation. Over generations, these repeated efforts do more than create wealth in the present; they leave an imprint on future generations, transmitted through socialization, culture, and even, to some extent, biology. It is as if the disciplined effort of one generation becomes a capital deposit, earning compound interest over centuries. Nations that start this process early accumulate tremendous advantage, and over time, the gap between civilizations widens—not because of innate superiority, but because of the cumulative, intergenerational investment in effort and learning. This intellectual wealth cannot be achieved through looting, territorial conquest, or war; it emerges only through sustained labor, discipline, and cultural cultivation. In this sense, the true measure of a nation’s power is not what it conquers externally, but what it cultivates internally, generation after generation.
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Nuclear as Divine Judgment: Hiroshima and Nagasaki as the New Sodom and Gomorrah
God’s Reckoning for Imperial Japan’s Atrocities Beyond the Reach of Human Punishment
If asked who embodies greater evil — the biblical cities of Sodom and Gomorrah or Imperial Japan during the Second World War — the answer is unequivocal: Imperial Japan’s cruelty far surpasses even those ancient symbols of depravity. The atrocities committed by the Japanese military were not mere acts of violence but systematic campaigns of unimaginable brutality and extreme perversity. Enforced incestuous sexual acts between family members, massacres, torture, biological experiments reveal a level of perversity that eclipses the legendary sins of Sodom. Unlike myth or allegory, Imperial Japan’s horrors are documented historical facts — a dark testament to human capacity for cruelty that no poetic imagination or cinematic depiction, no matter how harrowing, can fully capture.
There were once two cities, Sodom and Gomorrah, glittering on the plain by the Jordan. Their streets were paved with trade, their halls filled with wine, their laws written not to protect the weak but to sanctify the strong in their cruelty. In these cities, compassion was outlawed. To give bread to a stranger, to pour water for a thirsty traveler, was not an act of mercy but a crime punishable by death. A man who fed a beggar might be stripped naked, flogged until his skin split, then thrown into a pit to die without light.
There is the story of a wealthy merchant who, tricked into offering food to a passing foreigner, was seized by the city elders. His house was emptied, his silver counted out to his accusers, and his family cast into the street. In Sodom, to help was treason; to harm was virtue.
The cities’ pleasures were not the pleasures of the body, but its desecrations. Men lay with men in the open square, jeering at those who passed. Sodom practiced advanced LGBTQ. Women abandoned their infants to take lovers of both sexes in the same night. Fathers forced themselves upon daughters; mothers upon sons. Animals were not spared — goats, dogs, even beasts of burden were dragged into the frenzy. Children were dressed in garlands and presented to guests as toys, violated until they could no longer cry. There were contests to see who could break the spirit of the innocent the fastest, who could invent a new obscenity to outdo the last. No law restrained it; the law encouraged it.
Public feasts became theatres of degradation: a virgin was paraded through the marketplace, stripped bare, and given over to the crowd; her cries were drowned out by music and drunken laughter. Corpses were kept for further use, the boundaries between life and death blurred until both were meaningless. It was not enough to sin — one had to defile, to desecrate, to make the act itself an altar to cruelty.
Millennia later, the world would see the same spirit take flesh in different uniforms. In the winter of 1937, the Imperial Japanese Army entered Nanjing. What followed was not war but a season of calculated sadism. Soldiers dragged women from their homes, raped them in alleys and doorways, sometimes in front of their families before killing them. Pregnant women were split open with bayonets, their unborn children tossed aside like refuse. Infants were flung into the air and caught on the tips of swords, their bodies displayed as trophies.
Real photos of Japanese atrocities during WWII in China:
Men were bound and used for live-bayonet practice. Prisoners were set on fire, doused in oil for amusement, or marched into pits where they were buried alive. At Unit 731 in the frozen reaches of Manchuria, doctors without conscience sliced open living prisoners to study their organs, froze limbs until they blackened and rotted, injected them with plague, cholera, and syphilis to watch them die. Women were forced into “comfort stations,” where dozens of soldiers would use them each day until their bodies failed. These were not aberrations; they were policies.
In both Sodom and Gomorrah, and in the territories under the Rising Sun, the natural order was turned upside down. What should have been sacred was mocked; what should have been protected was destroyed; cruelty was not only permitted but glorified.
And then, the fire came. For Sodom and Gomorrah, it was in the days of Abraham — a storm of brimstone and flame that erased them from the earth, leaving nothing but a wasteland. Some say it was divine wrath; others, the fire of a cosmic strike. For Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it came in August 1945 — God's wrath expressed through two nuclear bombs — a white light hotter than the sun, a wind that tore bodies apart and left shadows burned into the ground. In moments, the cities were gone; in days, the survivors began to die of the invisible poison left behind.
This is no celebration of destruction. In both cases, the fire consumed guilty and innocent alike. But history whispers the same refrain: when a people make cruelty their law and perversity their creed, when they delight in the breaking of the helpless, their end is not a matter of if, but of when — and the end, when it comes, is total.
The Depths of Depravity: The Unfolding Horror in Nanjing
After the fall of Nanjing, the Imperial Japanese Army unleashed a reign of terror that defied comprehension. This was no ordinary violence; it was a systematic destruction of humanity itself.
Chinese battalion commander Guo Qi, trapped in the city for three months, witnessed Japanese soldiers forcibly making sons rape their own mothers. Those who refused were executed on the spot. A German diplomat later corroborated one such atrocity: a man who refused to violate his mother was hacked to death in front of her eyes, driving her to suicide.
Entire families faced unspeakable humiliation. One family crossing a river was stopped by Japanese soldiers who raped the young women aboard their boat. Then the soldiers forced the eldest male to do the same — but the family chose to drown themselves over compliance.
Iris Chang’s The Rape of Nanking documents how soldiers, laughing like children torturing frogs or drowning kittens, formed circles to watch and jeer as mothers and sons were forced into unspeakable acts.
Their jovial chit chat went as follows:
"This guy’s no good — he’s shaking, sweating! How’s he supposed to do it like this?"
"The woman’s already lying down — just get on with it!"
"Come on, this is his own mother! This is too much!"
Takeda Taijun, a former soldier, wrote in his memoirs how, one morning, after his shift, he and comrades brought a middle-aged woman and a boy of about fourteen to a village. After gang-raping the woman, they forced the boy to rape her in front of them.
"From the way she screamed, it was clear they were mother and son," Takeda recalled. "I couldn’t understand her words, but she could be shouting, ‘No! Not this! Only beasts do this!’"
Private Matsu, one of the soldiers, took cruel delight in forcing the boy upon the woman despite her screams.
Such acts of extreme perversity were not isolated incidents but systematic and deliberate. Wherever the Japanese forces went, these horrors preceded every massacre. It was a calculated doctrine aimed at destroying the Chinese people and unmaking their very humanity—especially devastating given the profound importance that Chinese culture places on 伦理 (ethical and familial order and morality).
Real video
A Nation of Sodom
This was no collection of isolated war criminals. The entire Japanese military — and the society that nurtured it — had cast aside the most fundamental laws of human decency. The Rules of Kinship, those sacred codes forged over millennia to distinguish humanity from bestiality, were gleefully trampled underfoot.
Japan orchestrated a carnival of perversion and intimate destruction.
Ask yourself: would you rather face a bullet, or be forced to rape your own mother, sister, or daughter in front of mocking soldiers before being killed?
For young girls, the cruelty was even more grotesque. After being gang-raped, they were coerced to identify their male relatives — fathers, brothers, uncles — who were then compelled to rape them while soldiers jeered. This is not depraved fantasy, but historical record, written in the Records of Japanese War Crimes, sealed with blood and tears.
The Fire from Heaven
When a people sinks so low, they cease to be human. The atomic bombs that consumed Hiroshima and Nagasaki were not mere weapons of war — they were divine fire, the same fierce judgment that rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah. A nation that had made itself a race of torturers, rapists, and monsters could no longer claim the mantle of morality or mercy.
Yet even now, voices rise to defend those who bore such horrors, to claim that the civilians of wartime Japan were "innocent," that the Rape of Nanking, the system of Comfort Women, and the slaughter of millions were no worse than other wars.
To them, we say: look to history, hear the cries, witness the laughter of the wicked — and remember the price of turning away from basic humanity.
Two ancient cities, Sodom and Gomorrah, stood millennia ago as dark symbols of humanity’s fall — places where cruelty was law, kindness a capital offense, and every sacred bond was twisted into chains of degradation. Across the ages, their names have come to mean the very essence of depravity and divine judgment.
Centuries later, two cities—Hiroshima and Nagasaki—emerged not only as industrial powerhouses but as the very heart of Imperial Japan’s war machine. These cities contributed more soldiers than nearly any other region to the Imperial Army’s campaigns of terror across China and Asia. Yet the bloodshed that stained foreign lands did not spring from a few military commanders alone; it was the product of a society wholly consumed by war.
Women’s associations throughout Japan zealously supported the war effort. They organized sewing circles to produce uniforms, raised funds, and rallied families to sacrifice everything for the Emperor’s cause. Children were indoctrinated in schools, their textbooks filled with songs glorifying battle, bayonets, and the killing of Chinese “enemies.” (still going on today) The very education system was weaponized to cultivate hatred and obedience from the youngest age.
Individual conscience and dissent had no place in this fevered atmosphere. One Japanese woman, unconnected to political factions, took her own life so that her husband would be free of family obligations and could join the front to kill Chinese soldiers without ties to hold him back. Moderate politicians who dared call for peace were silenced through assassination — a brutal reminder that the machinery of war extended into the suppression of thought itself.
This was not merely a nation at war; it was a civilization that turned cruelty into creed, and perversity into policy. The entire population — from its leaders down to children in classrooms — became complicit in a relentless campaign to erase compassion, humanity, and moral restraint.
From Lifeline to Target: The Quiet Rift in the Russia–China Partnership
While Russia and Ukraine are trading missiles and drones, another war—silent, smokeless—has been unleashed on “Made in China.” This time, the front is not the battlefield but the marketplace, and Moscow’s target is China’s heavy truck makers. Dongfeng, Foton, FAW Jiefang, Sinotruk, Sitrak—names that once dominated Russian roads—are now categorically banned in one Russian sweeping decree. The official verdict? “Brake system failures,” “excessive noise,”.
Yet before this purge, Chinese heavy trucks virtually had no competitors on the Russian market —they had no competitors. Sinotruk’s Shandeka had seized the crown as Russia’s best-selling truck, rolling out at over 700,000 rubles (USD 80,000) apiece, with queues of buyers ready to pay in hard cash. And now—overnight—the same trucks are declared unfit? Were those tens of thousands of Russian customers fools, or has the story changed for reasons unspoken?
The farce deepens. Not only are future sales banned, but trucks already sold are recalled, with no clarity on refunds or replacements. Chinese manufacturers are given no path to appeal—Moscow simply says “not good enough,” and the gavel falls.
The truth is, this didn’t begin with a single ban. The ground had been prepared. In October 2024, Russia suddenly raised its vehicle scrapping tax to a punishing 85%. Which means if you bought a truck for $30,000, you’d owe $25,500 just to dispose of it before its legal lifespan ended—a punitive tax, a warning in substance.
Then came 2025 and another twist of the knife: a “price-gap surcharge.” If a vehicle sells abroad for $20,000 but in Russia for $30,000, the buyer must pay another $50,000—half the difference—straight to the state. A barricade built to suffocate Chinese rivals.
And still, it wasn’t enough. By September 30, 2024, all Chinese vehicles had to pass Russian-run testing—twice the cost, up to a year in delays—and were forced to install GLONASS navigation whose performance is much inferior to China’s Beidou. Worse, any attempt to route trucks through Kazakhstan would end with confiscation and destruction, the loss borne entirely by the exporter.
Russia strikes hard, harder than Washington or Brussels ever dared against Chinese manufacturing.
But the question remains—does Moscow truly have the confidence to shut China out?
When the war broke out in Ukraine and the West turned its back, the western car giants fled in a single file: Toyota, Volkswagen, Renault, Ford—not one stayed. In that vacuum, it was Chinese automakers who drove in against the headwind, who kept Russia’s roads moving, who restored a semblance of life to a market on the brink of collapse.
Yet somewhere between gratitude and dependency, something curdled. Chinese companies didn’t just supply; they dominated—smartphones, electronics, automobiles. What was once seen as rescue began to feel, in the Russian telling, like exploitation. The tone shifted: China is not helping us; China is profiting from us. And so, even in its moment of greatest vulnerability, Moscow has begun driving Chinese firms out—starting with the most visible symbol of their market power: the heavy truck.
The subtext is hard to miss. The moment Western sanctions loosen, Chinese suppliers will be the first shown the door. That is the quiet truth beneath the grand rhetoric of “strategic partnership”—a truth built on mistrust and a strange Russian instinct to sever the very rope holding them above the abyss.
Unlike the trade with the US and the EU, the China-Russian trade is no one-way street. By mid-2025, China was taking nearly one-third of Russia’s total exports and buying almost half its crude oil—the lifeblood of Moscow’s revenues. The trade flows are not lopsided: in the first half of the year, Russia sold China around $59 billion in goods and bought back $47 billion, a modest Russian surplus but no imbalance to lament. This is mutual dependence, deep and symmetrical.
Perhaps the Kremlin believes it is defending the last strongholds of domestic industry. Russian names like KAMAZ and Lada have been battered; Chinese trucks claimed over 60% of the market, leaving Russian factories idle and workers on the street. Protectionism became the rallying cry, the government’s answer to a competition it could not win.
Yet the irony runs deep: Lada was powered by French Renault’s technology of 1997, and with Renault gone, it is a hollow shell. KAMAZ itself relies heavily on Chinese components. Ban Chinese trucks—and all Chinese manufacturing—and you won’t just block foreign competition; you’ll be striking at the heart of Russia’s own brands. If China turns off the supply of parts, those brands will collapse.
Let the irony sink in: the country that kept the Russian car industry alive is China, 100%.
It would be very easy for China to retaliate.
It's China, in recent years, which has kept the Russian economy breathing at all.
One could suspect an even bolder motive—that Moscow is clearing the market for Western brands ahead of some anticipated thaw with Washington.
So we have two scales in motion: one weighing war and peace, the other balancing trust and trade. Both are swaying, and both could tip the wrong way.
There may be reasons beyond economics. Russia is impatient to end the war in Ukraine on its own terms, but Ukraine’s strength—fed by Western aid—remains stubborn. Perhaps Moscow expected Beijing to lean in harder, to tip the balance more openly. China, however, has kept its footing on the narrow ridge of neutrality. It does not wish Russia to fail, but neither will it be drawn into commitments it deems excessive. It will not, for example, pay a 30% premium for Russian gas when cheaper supplies are available elsewhere.
China has, after all, called this what it is—a war of invasion—and does not approve.
One decisive reason China cannot accept Russian territorial expansion is history. In the 19th century, weakened by wars with Western powers, Qing China was forced into a series of unequal agreements with Tsarist Russia — notably the Treaties of Aigun (1858) and Peking (1860) — that transferred large swathes of territory in the Amur–Ussuri region to Russia. In 1900, Russian troops and local authorities carried out brutal expulsions and mass killings of Qing subjects in the Amur region (Blagoveshchensk and the “Sixty-Four Villages”), leaving lasting scars. In the 20th century the Soviet Union pushed for Mongolia’s separate status, and in 1945 a Soviet-backed referendum confirmed Mongolian independence from China. Those episodes — land lost under coercion, mass violence against Chinese residents, and the effective removal of frontier regions from Chinese control — are why Beijing cannot view further Russian annexation as anything but a strategic red line.
If Russia justifies its invasion of Ukraine on the grounds that Ukraine was part of Russia for centuries, then by that same logic, Russia’s annexation of vast Chinese territories is invalid — for those lands had been part of China for centuries before Russia seized them. And if Moscow claims it can use force to “take back” Ukraine, then Beijing could claim the same right to recover its lost territories from Russia.
Russia’s nature is to act on its moods—swiftly, sharply, without the patient weighing of consequences. It is not wedded to market logic, nor skilled in market thinking; its policies turn as quickly as the wind.
Russia’s nature is to act on its moods—swiftly, sharply, without the patient weighing of consequences. It is not wedded to market logic, nor skilled in market thinking; its policies turn as quickly as the wind.
One thing diplomacy should never do is let itself be swayed by passing moods, anger, or a sense of perceived loss, without thinking long term and weighing all the circumstances. Russian diplomacy makes this mistake all too often.
And China? China’s automakers will need to close ranks, to speak with one voice, to engage with Moscow at the highest levels. The Chinese state will need to step forward, to defend the terms of trade. If Russia insists on acting alone in matters of economics, China has the means—and the precedent—to respond in kind.
What we are watching, in effect, is Russia imposing sanctions on China and daring China to answer.
And trucks are not the only victims of this sudden hostility.
Over the past three years, as the corporate armies of Europe, America, Japan, and South Korea withdrew en masse under the weight of sanctions and political pressure, Russia’s shelves emptied and its markets hollowed. What was left became a frontier—open, underpopulated, ripe for the taking.
For a time, Chinese sellers moved in almost unopposed. Platforms like AliExpress and Ozon found a Russia hungry for goods and stripped of alternatives. Chinese electronics, clothing, home appliances—all poured in, filling the vacuum left by the retreating West. It was not dispensable superfluous trade; it was an economic bridge across a sanctioned landscape.
However recently, beneath the appearance of prosperity, trouble is brewing.
The Russian e-commerce giant Ozon has recently turned hostile, abruptly targeting Chinese brand sellers. Overnight, tens of thousands of product listings disappeared. This wasn’t a technical glitch or a random system error—it was a deliberate purge of Chinese brand sellers. No one was spared: from small workshops to large merchants. Most surprising, the main targets were sellers with brand certifications—those who had invested heavily in brand authorization, product quality, and packaging. Meanwhile, unbranded small sellers were left untouched.
What happened? Some sellers say this was no accident. The platform wasn’t just enforcing rules—many listings were removed due to malicious reports from local competitors. Local accounts could flag a brand as “problematic,” and instead of verifying the claims, Ozon would remove the entire store’s listings. Yes, the entire store. This has created an absurd situation: stricter rules have become a weapon for unfair competition. A system meant to maintain order has turned into a tool to suppress rivals.
Even when sellers manage to restore their listings with platform help, the damage is done. Rankings and reviews are gone, forcing them to start over. The only way to regain visibility is through paid ads—and Ozon’s ads are expensive. Even the basic ad package costs 1,200 Yuan (USD 170), a heavy blow for small and medium-sized sellers.
The pattern is clear: any Chinese supplier whose products seriously compete with local brands will be pushed out and even in sectors where China has no serious rival, entry can be blocked, licenses revoked, rules rewritten overnight.
The contradiction is almost theatrical. On one stage, Russia courts Chinese sellers, eager for them to fill the gaps that Western brands have left. On another, it bars Chinese vehicles, imposes crushing taxes, and erects obstacles with the precision of a siege engineer. The applause and the expulsions come from the same hands.
The Fool’s Dilemma: NVIDIA, the H20 Chip, and a Backdoor Too Far
So NVIDIA is called in to explain to the Chinese government - and prove - that there’s no backdoor in the H20 chips it’s preparing to dump on the Chinese market.
Put yourself in NVIDIA’s shoes.
If it admits there’s a backdoor, it’s finished. The company would face criminal espionage charges under China’s Cyber Security Law.
If it denies the accusation, China already holds irrefutable evidence.
If NVIDIA promises it will not embed backdoors, it violates U.S. compliance requirements and laws.
No matter which direction it takes, it cannot sell these chips in China.
But here’s the deeper truth: China likely no longer needs NVIDIA’s crippled chips. The H20 offers only 20% of the H100’s computing capacity—the version sold to U.S. AI firms. China has developed its own alternatives. Safer ones.
No Chinese company will dare purchase from NVIDIA now. The reputational risk, the threat of spyware, the national security implications—these outweigh any potential benefit.
That’s the fool’s dilemma. And that’s exactly where NVIDIA stands.
II/
The Background
In late 2023, under Washington’s pressure, NVIDIA released the H20 - a downgraded version of its high-end AI chip, the H100. It was tailored for the Chinese market to comply with U.S. sanctions.
Then came April 2025. Trump banned it.
But by mid-July 2025, he reversed course. (Trump's message is clear. “Don't trust us. We flip flop”)
On July 31, 2025, Chinese authorities announced the discovery of major security vulnerabilities in the H20. That very day, China summoned NVIDIA for a meeting, demanding explanations—and documentation—on three specific points:
Malicious pre-embedding
Remote control activation
Supply chain poisoning
Does China have evidence? Yes - overwhelmingly so.
Back in May 2025, several U.S. lawmakers publicly called for advanced chips exported to China to include controllable mechanisms. Their goal: to enable technical shutdowns during moments of geopolitical friction.
These legislators proposed the U.S. Chip Security Act, which mandates the Commerce Department to force American chipmakers to embed special modules into controlled chips. These modules must:
Track the chip's location
Identify users
Enable remote shutdown
The idea was clear: deny computing power to "problematic" regions whenever Washington chooses.
According to Western reports, even before the bill was enacted, NVIDIA had already begun integrating these features - preemptively - into its chips.
The Discovery
The U.S. Congress published the bill’s content. Western media confirmed NVIDIA’s compliance.
That was the signal. Within a week of H20’s launch, Chinese cybersecurity labs had fully disassembled the chip.
The results were devastating.
Using lithographic layer-by-layer scanning and full-spectrum electromagnetic testing, analysts discovered an unknown RF communication module embedded in the chip. Its design bore a striking resemblance to FLUXBABBIT, a hardware implant from the NSA’s infamous ANT catalogue - tools used to surveil foreign tech systems.
This module could be remotely activated via specific electromagnetic frequencies. It could exfiltrate data, rewrite firmware, or seize control of the chip altogether.
Worse still, periodic narrowband signals were detected—faint, rhythmic, and structured. Once decoded, they revealed:
Device location
Computing power usage
Data center topology
Cross-referenced with the U.S. Chip Security Act, it was a perfect match.
These signals were traced through global relay networks and eventually pinpointed to a server in Singapore. From there, the data was made accessible—in real time—to the U.S. Department of Commerce.
Let that sink in.
A high-performance AI chip, sold to Chinese firms, was silently reporting its activity and coordinates to a foreign government. This is not just speculation. It is documented.
Trump even bragged about it—almost daring China to find it.
Reverse Engineering the Obvious
China didn’t need months. Just days. When you start with the answer and reverse-engineer from there, the truth becomes clear.
There are consequences.
NVIDIA could be:
Fined based on its global revenue
Forced to undergo independent audits
Banned entirely from the Chinese market
And if found complicit in enabling foreign espionage, NVIDIA executives—including Jensen Huang—could face criminal charges.
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The US is always accusing China of cyber espionage.
In July 2025, Italian police arrested Xu Zewei, a 33-year-old Chinese engineer from Shanghai, while he was on a tourist trip with his wife in Milan. Acting on a U.S. extradition request, Italian authorities detained Xu at Malpensa Airport, accusing him of participating in a cyber-espionage campaign allegedly orchestrated by a Chinese state-linked group known as HAFNIUM or Silk Typhoon. According to U.S. prosecutors, Xu had targeted American universities and Microsoft Exchange servers between 2020 and 2021 to steal COVID-19 research and conduct wide-scale intrusions. The arrest is widely seen as part of Washington’s broader effort to criminalize Chinese cyber activity and assert extraterritorial enforcement of its own digital security agenda.
Turns out that the US is carrying out cyber espionage on an industrial scale on China.
Let’s not forget: NVIDIA once gleefully joined the U.S. sanctions against Huawei.
In May 2025, the U.S. imposed a global ban on the use, sale, export, transfer, financing, or servicing of Huawei’s Ascend 910B, 910C, and 910D AI chips—even by non-U.S. entities.
And yet—Huawei’s Ascend 910B has since surged to over 20% market share in China. In just weeks. Orders are flowing in.
Why? Because U.S.-made AI chips - like NVIDIA’s - are compromised.
Why It Matters
This isn’t about a single chip.
With the H20 embedded in China’s infrastructure, the U.S. could monitor any researcher using the platform.
A scientist working on biotech or nuclear energy—his queries, his data, his thought process—tracked in real time.
Because this backdoor doesn’t just capture data. It captures intention.
That is the real danger.
Leaking private data is bad enough. But leaking strategic thought, state secrets, or defense intelligence—that crosses a line.
And that is why China moved quickly.
Detection required deep technical skill, full-stack mastery, and industrial sovereignty. You cannot find what you don’t know how to look for.
You can fool many when it comes to hiding backdoors—but not the Chinese. Over the years, China has developed a deep expertise in detecting U.S. surveillance implants, precisely because it has been a primary target of them.
No country should trust U.S. tech products unless Washington fundamentally changes its foreign policy and provides verifiable, global proof that the NSA is no longer spying—on the world, on its own citizens, or in secret partnership with American tech companies.
At present, it appears that nearly every major U.S. tech firm maintains a service line that is—formally or informally—connected to the NSA. This should be unacceptable.
Ironically, this is the very kind of state-corporate collusion the U.S. accuses so-called "dictatorships" of practicing. But in truth, America is conducting it at industrial scale, with minimal resistance and a public that has grown numb to its implications.
Why Russia Can’t Stop the War—Even If It Wanted To (Part I)
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The brutality of the Ukraine war is not hidden—it’s broadcast to the world daily in countless frontline videos. In one, a Russian soldier is struck by a drone, writhes on the ground, and then turns his rifle on himself. In another, a man collapses mid-advance; his comrade doesn’t hesitate—he raises his weapon and delivers a final shot. Sometimes, an armored vehicle speeds to the front, unloads its human cargo, then reverses and disappears. The soldiers left behind scatter under drone fire, encircled by artillery, like prey abandoned in open ground.
The war has morphed into a meat grinder of history. According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Russian casualties have now exceeded one million.
Approximately 11.4 soldiers—Russian and Ukrainian—have been killed for every square kilometer of Ukrainian territory currently under Russian control. Measured in blood per square kilometer, the Ukraine war is the deadliest territorial war of the 21st century—and one of the most expensive in human life since World War I.
It is a war of drones and trenches, of staggering attrition and static front lines. The land gained is real, but the cost—11 men dead for every square kilometer—recalls the meat grinders of Verdun and the Some of WWI far more than the sweeping tank advances of 20th century blitzkrieg.
The question now is no longer why Moscow entered the war. The real question is: why can’t it leave?
Back in February, the Trump administration floated a proposal. Recognize Crimea as Russian. Prevent Ukraine from ever joining NATO. Lift all sanctions imposed since 2014. By April, the offer expanded: a ceasefire along the current line of contact, essentially conceding Russia's grip on four Eastern Ukrainian regions. A pragmatic power would have seized such an offer. But Russia didn’t.
This isn’t about reason anymore. This is gambler’s logic. A war, once started, is no longer a question of whether to stop—but when it becomes too late to stop without losing everything.
Had these terms been available in early 2022, Putin would have taken them. At that time, they would have seemed like a strategic coup. But the war has changed shape. What was once a “special operation” is now a national commitment. Russia today controls around 114,000 square kilometers of Ukraine. But according to the Kiel Institute, the price of war has climbed to $873 billion—while the total annual GDP of these occupied regions amounts to just $28 billion. Even by the cold logic of profit and loss, Russia would need to control these areas for 31 years just to break even.
And that’s just the money. Over a million casualties later, the war has rewritten Russia’s political calculus. To retreat now would be to betray the blood already spilled. It would provoke fury from nationalist factions and from within the ranks of the military. On June 20, Putin gave a revealing speech in St. Petersburg: “The Russian and Ukrainian peoples are one and the same. In this sense, all of Ukraine should belong to Russia.”
That was no mere rhetoric. It was the clearest signal yet that Russia's war aims have shifted—from securing the Donbas to absorbing the whole of Ukraine.
History repeats itself. In the early 1700s, Peter the Great launched the Great Northern War seeking only access to the Baltic Sea. But after suffering early defeats and investing more deeply, he didn’t stop at one port—he broke Swedish dominance in all of Eastern Europe. When sunk costs accumulate, so do ambitions.
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There’s another reason Moscow won’t back down. This war has shattered Russia’s claim to be the world’s second military power. In 2022, its General Staff expected Kyiv to fall in three days. That war is now in its third year—and has become the most brutal attritional conflict of the 21st century.
Elsewhere, the world has moved on. In May 2025, a brief border clash between India and Pakistan ended in 72 hours with Pakistani victory—powered by Chinese system warfare. That same month, U.S. B-2 bombers flew 20,000 kilometers to hit Iranian nuclear bunkers with pinpoint precision. Both events reminded the world what modern warfare looks like. Meanwhile, Russia leans on Soviet-era tanks and North Korean artillery, waging a war that resembles 1943 more than 2025. The result? Moscow’s military brand is in tatters—even among its own allies.
This is why the Kremlin needs victory—not in symbolic terms, but in real, territorial gains. Without them, Russia’s influence across the Middle East, Africa, and the Caucasus could collapse. That partially explains the latest escalation: three massive aerial strikes on Ukraine in July 2025, the largest since the war began.
For Russia, the war has become inescapable. But history teaches that long wars rarely end well. The longer the conflict, the higher the price, and the greater the political impossibility of ending it. Ceasefire becomes synonymous with defeat. The Soviet disaster in Afghanistan looms large: a war planned to last seven days, meant to stabilize a friendly regime, dragged on for a decade—and accelerated the collapse of the USSR.
Today’s war is walking a similar path. Each new month brings fresh losses. And to justify them, the Kremlin must raise the stakes. This is the inertia of war. It does not stop when logic says stop. It stops only when something breaks.
As Kissinger once warned, “In war, the most dangerous moment is not when the fighting starts, but when neither side can win, and neither side can afford to quit.” That moment, it seems, is now.
Why Russia Cannot Afford to Stop the War: The War Economy Machine That Keeps the State Afloat (Part II)
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Once a war economy is set in motion, stopping it is not a matter of diplomacy—it’s a matter of survival. For Russia, the war has ceased to be a temporary military engagement. It has become the organizing logic of the state, the engine of industrial revival, and, ironically, a guarantor of social stability.
This is not merely about Putin’s pride or military objectives in Ukraine. It’s about a structural transformation of the Russian economy—one that has tethered its internal stability to a perpetual state of mobilization.
As of 2024, Russia’s military-industrial complex has expanded to a scale not seen since the Cold War. Military-related production now accounts for at least 6.7% of GDP according to Russian economists—not counting secondary and tertiary industries supporting the arms sector. Nearly one-third of Russia’s federal budget is now directed toward defense and security.
This surge in military spending has triggered a sweeping reindustrialization of Russia’s economy, particularly in heavy industry and metallurgy. Munitions factories are running around the clock, and cities that were once considered industrial relics of the Soviet past—like Tula, Izhevsk, and Nizhny Tagil—are booming with activity. Tank production, drone manufacturing, and artillery shell output have all reached Cold War levels or beyond.
This war economy creates jobs, lots of them. Workers are being recruited in droves to man the plants, assemble drones, operate logistics chains. Defense firms like Uralvagonzavod are employing tens of thousands. The unemployment rate in Russia is currently below 3%, a historic low. This is not the result of market liberalism—it is war mobilization, disguised as growth.
And it goes deeper. Recruitment for frontline combat is not just a military function—it is a socioeconomic policy. Poor regions in the Russian Federation—places like Buryatia, Tuva, Dagestan—are aggressively targeted for conscription. For every new recruit, the Russian state pays a signing bonus of approximately 3 million rubles (roughly $29,000). In addition, a Russian soldier on active duty earns approximately 2.5 times the national average salary, amounting to around $2,200 per month. In regions where average annual income barely touches $5,000, this is a life-changing sum.
The impact is immediate. Local families use the money to buy cars, build homes, pay off debts. Real estate in these impoverished regions is booming—not due to organic development, but because of the artificial lifeline of war bonuses and compensations. Entire micro-economies are thriving off military remittances.
And then there is death—militarized death.
When a soldier dies in combat, the state grants the family a death compensation of around 5 million rubles, or over $50,000. Add on municipal grants and local perks, and the total may exceed $70,000. In poor provinces, this is more money than a family could hope to earn in two decades.
What’s the consequence? A perverse culture of economic fatalism. Families—desperate and rational—push their sons to enlist, not out of patriotism, but survival. A dead son brings prosperity. And a living soldier? He becomes a prize on the marriage market. Young women are eager to marry enlisted men, drawn not only by the generous paychecks, but the death insurance that shadows them. War, in this context, is not only national policy—it is domestic security.
This perverse incentive structure means that war cessation is not simply a matter of diplomatic negotiation. If Russia stops the war abruptly, the military-industrial machine crashes. Factories shut down. Workers are laid off. The newly reindustrialized towns return to decay. Millions of soldiers return home, unemployed, traumatized, and demanding reintegration.
🧵Operation Red Wedding: Inside Israel’s AI-Assisted Strike on Tehran
The nature of war has fundamentally changed — and Iran would do well to understand it and adapt
In mid-June 2025, a cataclysmic operation shook the heart of Iran's defense establishment. Code-named "Operation Red Wedding," the Israeli strike targeted a hardened underground command bunker in Tehran, killing approximately 30 senior Iranian generals in a single, surgical blow. The name, drawn from the infamous massacre scene in Game of Thrones, was not chosen lightly—it captured the betrayal, the timing, and the brutality of the assault.
Carried out on June 13, the operation was part of a larger campaign—Operation Rising Lion—aimed at systematically dismantling Iran’s strategic deterrence capabilities. Just two days later, a follow-up strike on June 15 targeted key logistics hubs, delivering an operational and psychological shock to Tehran’s command structure.
But the power of "Red Wedding" lay not just in its destruction, but in its orchestration. The operation was the product of a years-long intelligence campaign involving Mossad, Unit 8200, and Unit 9900. Mossad deployed modular espionage—each agent a cog in a machine they couldn’t see. One gathered building schematics (to understand the structure of the target facility—its layout, weak points, and escape routes). Another planted a signal beacon (a hidden transmitter that would guide the incoming strike to the exact underground location, ensuring precision). A third slipped in false timetables (to mislead Iranian defenses about who would be present and when, so the strike would hit key commanders when they were most exposed). No single individual understood the entire design, but the whole moved as one. This is Mossad’s doctrine: to build a symphony from disconnected notes.
When the strike came, it was apocalyptic. Over 200 Israeli aircraft, including stealth F-35Is and electronic warfare platforms, sliced through Iranian airspace under a veil of jamming clouds. In minutes, hundreds of smart munitions collapsed multiple layers of reinforced concrete. Satellite feeds and encrypted Mossad field reports streamed in real time. It was as if the entire strike was choreographed by an invisible master—because it was.
Behind that hand was not just human cunning—but artificial intelligence.
The Invisible Engine: Israel’s AI-Assisted Kill Chain
At the heart of Operation Red Wedding was a closed-loop intelligence engine powered by human intuition and algorithmic precision. Three entities—Mossad, Unit 8200, and Unit 9900—formed the triad of destruction. Each brought a unique discipline: human intelligence, signal capture, and visual verification. Together, they formed a cycle: intercept → identify → verify → strike → assess.
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Unit 8200—Israel’s legendary SIGINT division—listens to the world. It harvests the electromagnetic ether, intercepts WhatsApp chats, decrypts Farsi chatter, and implants malware into hostile networks. The unit manages one of the world's largest listening posts, sweeping across the Middle East, Africa, and Europe. It can schedule reconnaissance passes by Ofek-class spy satellites (Israel’s space-based surveillance platforms capable of capturing high-resolution imagery and intercepting signals from orbit) or quietly eavesdrop on unsecured smartphones. In other words, Unit 8200 doesn’t just hack—it commands orbital eyes, directing satellites to observe specific locations at specific times to complement its digital infiltration.
Then comes Unit 9900—the eye in the sky, and arguably the most visually literate division of Israeli intelligence. Specializing in geospatial intelligence (GEOINT), they process drone and satellite imagery with surgical precision. This isn’t just about reading maps—it’s about interpreting the invisible details that betray secrets.
A blurred shadow next to a bunker vent might signal recent movement. A changed tire track near a launch silo might suggest fuel resupply. The orientation of parked vehicles can reveal an imminent deployment. Unit 9900’s analysts are trained to notice what others overlook.
They map terrain down to the : every ridge, every heat vent, even centimeterry hidden trail. License plates from speeding cars are read mid-frame from 40,000 feet. Convoy compositions are broken down by axle count, fuel tanker type, and even canopy shape—so they can tell if a vehicle is carrying food, rockets, or human cargo.
They go further. Analysts cross-reference thermal signatures to detect body heat in underground tunnels, observe vehicle movement patterns to estimate sleep cycles of enemy units, and analyze weather conditions—cloud cover, wind drift, soil moisture—to determine not only where a target is, but when it’s most vulnerable. For instance, if a missile battery is usually camouflaged but must be uncovered to cool down under certain heat conditions, Unit 9900 knows when that moment will occur.
They even assess troop morale through satellite footage: are soldiers walking upright with discipline, or slouched with fatigue? Are training formations tight or sloppy? These visual micro-indicators are catalogued, timestamped, and overlaid on long-term behavioral models to predict operational shifts. If all this had to be done by human analysts alone, the workload would be astronomical. But now, much of this analytical burden has shifted to AI—giving Unit 9900 an almost unlimited capacity to process, compare, and detect patterns across vast datasets in real time.
In essence, Unit 9900 sees what no one else sees—not just with satellites, but with trained human eyes augmented by AI. If Unit 8200 hears the world and Mossad recruits the actors, Unit 9900 watches the entire stage.
Legacy Mossad
Legacy Mossad, meanwhile, orchestrates the human dimension. It runs an AI-powered system called HADS—Human Asset Development System—capable of managing the entire lifecycle of spycraft: from recruiting a janitor near a missile base (someone with physical access to sensitive areas but who draws no attention) to activating encrypted communication channels deep inside hostile territory.
In the past, Mossad case officers had to do this manually—combing through dossiers, observing behavior, assessing risk, and nurturing assets slowly, one by one. It was a slow and resource-heavy process. But now, HADS does this at machine scale. It uses advanced algorithms to sift through millions of digital profiles, analyzing people’s political views, grudges, family trauma, career frustrations, or ideological leanings—anything that could signal a motive to betray, collaborate, or sabotage.
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Imagine a young Iranian woman who watched in horror as a girl set herself on fire as a protest against possible jail sentence just for trying to attend a football match. That kind of trauma and rage leaves digital traces—tweets, posts, even encrypted messages, deleted browser history. HADS picks it up. It flags her as emotionally primed, politically aware, and ideologically aligned with Mossad’s objectives. She becomes a potential asset. Unfortunately, in Iran, people bearing deep grievances against the regime abound—making the country a tragically fertile ground for Mossad to identify and recruit human assets.
HADS mines gigatons of digital exhaust: social media histories, leaked databases, mobile metadata, and behavioral patterns. Much of this raw data likely comes from global surveillance networks—particularly from the NSA, the American equivalent of Unit 8200—whose bulk collection programs were revealed by Edward Snowden. What once took years of legwork and intuition is now accomplished at machine speed.
If Andy Byron, the CEO of Astronomer, were having an affair with the company’s HR officer, Kristin Cabot, you can be certain Israeli intelligence would know. They’d log it, file it, and quietly earmark it—just in case it ever proved useful. That’s how this game works. Nothing personal. Just leverage.
Each agent recruited becomes a node in a vast web, compartmentalized and anonymized. No one sees the full picture. If one falls, the machine continues. This is no longer traditional spycraft—it’s industrial-scale human intelligence
🧵 Israel strikes its rebellious puppet in Syria - dark days ahead
Jolani’s Delusion: The Man Who Sold Syria to Israel for Nothing
July 9th. The US and 19 allies are conducting a live military drill near Australia with a view of a coordinated attack against China our — but forget that for now. Something bigger exploded this morning (July 16th 2025).
Israel launched a decapitation strike against Syria’s de facto ruler, Jolani.
Yes — that Jolani, the man who had bent over backwards to please Israel, the one who handed over the Golan Heights with a smile, promising “permanent peace.”
And yet? They still came for him.
Let’s rewind.
When Assad’s regime collapsed back in December 2024, the whole of Syria fell into chaos. Jolani, a former terrorist with deep roots in al-Qaeda and Issis, seized Damascus within a week. But taking the capital didn’t mean owning the country. Syria became a jungle of warlords.
In the southwest, Israel moved fast. Armored brigades swept in and annexed the eastern Golan Heights, calling it a “buffer zone” — as if the whole world hadn’t seen this playbook before.
To understand why Israel will never let go of the Golan Heights, you have to understand what the Golan is. It is not just a piece of land. It is a perch, a watchtower, a faucet, a promise. From those heights, you can see half of Syria. Before 1967, Syrian artillery rained down on Israeli farms from that high ground. After 1967, Israeli tanks dug in and never left. And why would they? The Golan is water. It feeds the Sea of Galilee, the Jordan River, and the underground aquifers that keep Israel alive. Some say nearly half of Israel’s fresh water still trickles down from those slopes. In a region where rain is rare and rivers dry, that makes the Golan as precious as oil.
But there’s something deeper still. The Golan is theology. The Golan is destiny. For the religious wing of Likud, for those who still read maps with the Book of Genesis in one hand, the Golan is part of the inheritance God gave Abraham — “from the river of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates.” This land was promised. And what is promised cannot be returned. Not to Assad. Not to Jolani. Not to anyone.
So now that Syria lies broken, now that Jolani begs and grovels, now that the widow has no protector — Israel sees its chance. And it will not look away.
By January 205, Jolani tried to claw some legitimacy back. He had personal reasons — he was born in the Golan Heights — but also national ones. A president who gives up sovereign territory and says nothing? That’s not a leader.
So he went to the UN.
Israel scoffed.
He proposed a “land-for-legitimacy” deal — asking to get back a third of the Golan Heights, lease another third, and in return recognize Israeli sovereignty over the rest. A humiliating offer for Syria — and Israel still slapped him across the face.
“How dare you propose such a deal? You? You’re nothing. All of Golan Heights is ours. Try take it back if you can. To hell with UN and international law”
The same man who had once survived the Abu Ghraib black prison walked out of that hell with a bruised face — and a boiling mind. But he is eerily tame in front of the Israelis. Not characteristic of a brutal terrorist.
By March, Jolani pivoted. If Israel wouldn’t listen, maybe Turkey would.
Jolani made his pitch with eloquent urgency — the kind of urgency a man uses when he knows the fire is already at his doorstep. “Syria,” he told the Turks, “isn’t just a country. It’s a buffer. Between you and Israel. And once we’re gone, the buffer is gone. Then it’s just you and them, staring across a line drawn in sand.” He leaned in. “You think Israel won’t come for you? Maybe not today. But one day, they will. And your pipelines, your ports, your Black Sea dreams — all of it will be within range.”
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He paused, knowing how absurd it sounded. After all, Israel attacking a NATO country? That triggers Article 5 — the mutual defense clause. The sacred vow. An attack on one is an attack on all. It would mean France, Germany, even the United States would have to come to Ankara’s defense — against Tel Aviv. Unthinkable. And yet… the clause says what it says. The ink is still there.
And Jolani knew how Europe viewed Turkey: not quite friend, not quite enemy. The West brought Turkey into NATO not out of love, but out of fear. To have a lever on the Middle East. To keep Ankara leashed, not embraced. But leashed or not, Turkey was still in the pact. And now, Jolani whispered, Israel was becoming your problem too.
And what of ideology? The same religious Likud that cites Genesis 15:18 to claim the Golan as a birthright — “from the river of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates” — may yet find a new cloth in scripture. If the Promised Land includes the Heights for their water, why not the harbors and pipelines of Anatolia? Why not the mountains and minerals of Turkey?
Syria was only the beginning. Turkey is more lucrative, more resourceful, more strategic. Greater Israel may yet grow greater still.
“Help me,” he said. “Fortify this buffer. Because if I fall, your border becomes the front line.”
And Turkey did.
What followed wasn’t yet a formal alliance, but something close — secret negotiations on a joint defense pact. Turkish military teams inspected Syria’s Tiyas and Palmyra airbases, eyeing them for future deployment. There was talk of allowing Turkish aircraft to operate over Syrian skies, and even whispered proposals to bring in Russian-made S‑400 missile systems — pointed, unmistakably, toward Israel. No final agreement was signed. But the message was clear: Jolani was handing over his skies to Erdoğan, inviting the Turkish wolf into the ruins of Syria.
As I said before, Syria has been reduced to a helpless Indian widow — abandoned, dishonored, and left to fend for herself. Anyone can abuse her, bully her, stone her. So bringing in one more predator changes nothing.
Jolani had nothing to lose because he had nothing — no planes, no radar — so he handed his skies to Erdoğan.
Call it what it is: “Inviting the tiger to devour the wolf.”
But that wasn’t enough. Jolani also funneled support to Hamas, allowing weapons to move through southern Syria, while Turkey funded them via encrypted transfers.
In April, Israel found out.
As retaliation, the T-4 airbase was hit. Runways destroyed. Bunkers leveled.
Israel deployed Iron Dome and Jericho missiles across the Golan.
Tensions soared.
But facing Turkey — a NATO state — Israel had to tread carefully.
Then came June 12.
Five Hamas operatives were caught with equipments to produce rockets.
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Mossad interrogated them — and everything spilled out. The weapons, the smuggling routes, the payments from Turkey — even a $500,000 transfer allegedly earmarked for drone technology support. True or not, it gave Israel the perfect pretext. They marched straight to the UN, waving a transfer slip that blatantly listed “drone technology support” as the purpose. It looked almost too convenient. Who writes that? Turkey might as well have scribbled ‘for terrorist attacks against Israel’ in the memo line.
On July 9, Jolani tried one last time to achieve permanent peace with Israel.
He met Israel’s National Security Advisor in Abu Dhabi.
He renounced all claims to the Golan Heights. Asked for nothing more than diplomatic recognition.
Israel said: fine.
Then Jolani got “greedy”. He tentatively proposed with meekness:
“Support me to take Lebanon’s Bekaa Valley,” he asked. “And give me $1 billion to rebuild Syria.”
Israel laughed in his face.
You see, they never cared who ruled Syria — Jolani or Assad, secular or Islamist, pro-US or pro-Iran — it’s all the same.
What they want is no Syria at all.
A shattered land. A broken mosaic of factions. A failed state permanently disabled.
Jolani left that meeting seething. He drank half a bottle of whiskey. Slammed the glass down.
“I’ll show them I’m still a man,” he shouted.
“Mobilize the armored divisions. We march on Suweida.”
Mid July. He sent nine divisions, supported by Turkish drones, to crush the Druze militias Israel had been cultivating in the south.
They call themselves Druze, but outsiders rarely understand what that means. They follow a version of Islam so strange, so veiled, that even Muslims call them heretics.
They do not fast during Ramadan. They do not pray five times a day. They don’t make the pilgrimage to Mecca. Some say they worship wisdom, others say they worship silence. Their books are hidden, their rituals secret, and their loyalties — practical.
In southern Syria, nestled near Suweida, the Druze were never many, but they were fierce and proud. When the Syrian state collapsed, it was Israel who reached out with arms. Guns, funding, quiet alliances. Why? Because the Druze were a wall — not Arab, not Sunni, not easily swayed by Islamist dreams. They hated ISIS. They distrusted Assad. They remembered the massacres, the betrayals, the years of being called unbelievers. Israel, to them, was not a savior — just the one neighbor who didn’t want to convert them, didn’t want to erase them. And so a pact was born. In the shadow of Golan, the Druze militias became Israel’s eyes and ears in Syria — loyal not out of love, but out of survival.
But Israel saw it coming. F-16s roared in.
Dozens of T-72s destroyed.
Advance halted.
Turkey retaliated with mercenaries.
Israel exposed them in the media.
Then came whispers: Turkey was secretly talking to Israel too — trying to secure drilling rights in Cyprus in exchange for curbing Jolani’s anti-Israel actions.
A chessboard of betrayals.
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And then, the decapitation strike.
Early morning, July 16.
Israeli jets leveled Jolani’s presidential compound with bunker busters.
This, you see, is the fate of the Indian widow.
She can be loyal. She can be silent.
She can throw herself on the pyre, beg for approval, betray her own kin.
None of it matters.
Because once she’s abandoned, she is no longer a person.
She’s a symbol — of weakness, of shame, of nothingness.
This is Syria.
And Jolani?
He was never meant to rule.
Whether he kneeled or resisted no longer matters—he will be crushed so that Israel can seize the land and the resources. There is no law. It's a jungle, and for now, Israel is the supreme warlord.
What this event signals is simple: Jolani has fallen out with Israel.
That may not sit well with Washington, which still dreams of pivoting to the Asia-Pacific. But Israel never lets it.