My quick take on tomorrow's meetings in Washington.
The problem: After having failed to convince Putin, Trump has lost interest in Ukraine.
The risk is that he a) blames Zelenskyy for the failure, and b) entirely stops supporting Ukraine.
Europeans join Zelensky to prevent that he gets ambushed by Trump -- that Trump tells him what he has agreed with Putin and that he must pursue on that path.
Putin has skillfully laid that trap.
What Europeans want to achieve is a) that Trump doesn't look at Ukraine from Putin's perspective (after the meeting with him), and b) doesn't entirely turn against Ukraine, stopping all support, even weapons that Europeans can buy from the US.
Ideally a coalition between Lindsey Graham and the Europeans can push Trump to do what he talked about, sanction Russia harshly. But that seems to be far off as Trump doesn't want to blame Putin for the failure.
This operation is meant to keep the US engaged at least at a minimum level, and friendly towards Ukraine.
But make no mistake: Trump won't play the role that many hoped he would play -- use sticks (sanctions, sanctions threat) to force Putin into a ceasefire and get concessions from him. The moment for that was the Alaska summit. Trump did none of it.
Ukraine and the Europeans are on their own now.
Europeans must finally get serious and take responsibility for changing the balance of power between Ukraine and Russia.
They must not fail; it's existential; a free, peaceful prosperous Europe depends on it.
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Iran has built his bet to dominate the region as the new hegemon in a "post-American world" on its ally-proxies (Hamas, Hisbollah, Houthis, militias in Syria and Irak), on its missiles and its nuclear program.
After the attack by Iran's ally-proxy Hamas in October 2023, Israel has decided that it has to act to stop Iran's aggressive expansion -- and diminished all three pillars of Iranian power.
Deutschland kann recht leicht zurück auf den Erfolgskurs gebracht werden. Das Potenzial des Landes ist immens. Es müssen nur ein paar Dinge getan werden:
1) Die Migrationsfrage muss der radikalen Rechten entwunden werden, um diese wieder auf Normalmaß zu stutzen. Wichtig ist, dass sich die AfD nicht als Milieu großflächig etabliert, damit vernünftiges Regieren möglich bleibt.
2) Deutschland muss erheblich mehr in Verteidigung investieren. Hauptaufgabe ist die Verteidigung unserer Partner von Baltikum bis Rumänien. Deutschland muss dafür seine industriellen Kapazitäten endlich anwerfen. Nur dann gibt es Frieden und Stabilität in Europa.
Trump's ways to end /prevent war: give Russia and China what they want?
The current order is post-imperial, based on the principle of safe borders also for smaller and weaker countries.
But Russia and China want to change that: subjugate smaller countries in their neighborhood.
There is a "liberal international order"-case against Russian, Chinese and Iranian neo-imperialism; but also an "America first"-case, as all three are eager to diminish American power and influence, and want to put themselves (and their type of order) globally on top.
To give up support for "frontline states" -- countries in the vicinity of these autocratic power supported in their sovereignty by the US -- would mean to bring namely Russia and China in a better position, which would increase their appetite and belligerence.
Europeans have opportunities to strengthen their position vis-à-vis Russia but they fail to grasp them: Armenia, Georgia, Syria, also Libya.
Without the will to win battles over influence against Russia, Europeans will be on the loosing side in the ne geopolitical world.
Those opportunities may not come back. Capitals of big European countries -- Berlin, Paris, London, Rome, others -- need to get together and devise a geopolitical strategy that they will role out individually, but also inside NATO and the EU.
So far what we see is no sense of urgency, a lack of strategic capacity to analyze and draw conclusions, a failure to invest in capabilities and a lack of will to fight for the "European way of life".
Die Prämisse der Russlandpolitik von Scholz ist: der Krieg ist ein Ausrutscher, eine Abweichung vom Normalzustand, und die Aufgabe des Kanzlers besteht darin, Russland zu helfen, diesen Fehler einzusehen und zu korrigieren, um zum Normalzustand der Zusammenarbeit zurückzukehren.
Die Realität, die die große Mehrheit der Russlandkenner, die anderen Mitte-Parteien (Grüne, FDP, Union) ebenso erkannt haben wie die europäischen Partner Deutschlands, ist aber eine andere: Russlands Aggression gegen Europa ist der neue Normalzustand.
Aus der Diagnose folgt die Strategie. Scholz hat immer die Rückkehr zum vermeintlichen Normalzustand im Blick und arbeitet darauf hin, dass Russland wieder Partner wird.