So what happened in this federal appeals court case?
The story starts in 2017 when President Trump and congressional Republicans used the CRA to repeal Obama-era regulations--saving billions of $$ in regulatory costs and millions of paperwork-hours. americanactionforum.org/insight/update…
One of the rules they repealed was from the FCC.
But the unelected bureaucrats at the FCC weren't happy that their regulation had been repealed by your elected representatives and President Trump.
So they waited until Biden took office and then tried again.
Companies affected by the new rule sued, arguing it was illegal for the FCC to re-impose the same rules that Congress and the President repealed using the CRA.
And they were right to do so. The FCC rule blatantly violated the law.
But two 6th Circuit appeals court judges (an Obama appointee and a Biden appointee) upheld the rule.
They said the new rule wasn't "substantially the same" as the repealed rule because the new rule covered only SOME of the issues that the old rule did.
Let's break that down.
Under the court's logic, the repealed rule and the new rule were not "substantially the same" because the repealed rule covered subjects A+B while the new rule only covered A.
A simple example shows the absurdity of the court's reasoning.
Imagine a mother tells her son: "You are not allowed to stay out past 11pm with your friends."
If the son then stays out past midnight, but does so alone, has the child broken his mother's command?
Common sense and basic logic both say yes. But the court's logic says no.
Here, Congress and the President said to the FCC: "You are not allowed to regulate A+B."
So the Biden FCC—like the disobedient child in our example—tried to be clever and tried to regulate just A.
And the court just let them get away with it. Absurd.
The 6th Circuit should take this case en banc and reverse this faulty opinion.
And if they don't, then SCOTUS must take the case and restore the full force of the CRA according to the plain meaning of its text. Our separation of powers demands it.
After SCOTUS overturned Chevron, I led a Working Group exploring how Congress can best use that decision to rein in the Administrative State and restore our separation of powers.
HELD: The President controls our foreign aid disbursements. Multinational NGOs can’t sue for a right to billions of taxpayer dollars—only the Comptroller General can under the Impoundment Control Act.
Here’s what happened. 🧵
Right after taking office, President Trump issued EO 14,169 freezing ~$10B in foreign aid.
NGOs like Global Health Council freaked out because their gravy train was coming to an end. They sued, arguing the President did not have the authority to stop the flow of funds.
DC District Judge Amir Ali entered a temporary restraining order against the Trump Administration's freezing of the funds.
🚨A massive win for President Trump against rogue judges.
Chief Judge Boasberg was brazenly trying to punish the President for a dispute over an order the Supreme Court later said he had not power to issue in the first place.
The D.C. Circuit just shut him down. 🧵
This fight dates back to March 15, when the President invoked the Alien Enemies Act to fast-track the deportation of dangerous Venezuelan gang members and cartel affiliates from our country.
Despite not being the emergency judge on duty, Boasberg assumed control of the case and, in the evening of March 15, issued a temporary restraining order prohibiting their removal under the AEA.
🚨The newly released appendix to the Durham Report reveals that the Clinton campaign colluded with George Soros's Open Society Foundation to cook up the Trump-Russia hoax and possibly induce an FBI investigation.
On July 25, 2016, right before the DNC, an email from Leonard Benardo—a VP at Soros's Open Society Foundation and close associate of the Clinton campaign—shows that Clinton and her staffers plotted "a long-term affair to demonize Putin and Trump."
Today, I addressed DOJ's excellent decision to file a judicial misconduct complaint against Judge Boasberg for lacking impartiality.
Judges aren't politicians in robes—they're judges.
President Trump's judicial nominees clearly understand that and proved it in their hearing. 🧵
This week, the DOJ filed a misconduct complaint against Judge Boasberg for his improper political conduct at a Judicial Conference meeting in the earlier this year.
Just days after Judge Boasberg told Chief Justice Roberts that he believed the Trump Administration would "disregard rulings of federal courts" and trigger "a constitutional crisis," he tried to prove himself right by issuing the infamous "turn the planes around" order.
Rogue Judge Boasberg may "discipline" DOJ for not turning around planes full of terrorists and gangbangers headed to El Salvador.
Boasberg was just exposed for being biased against Trump last week.
I have new receipts that show he has been a partisan since his confirmation.🧵
This revelation fits a long-running pattern of Judge Boasberg's open bias against President Trump.
Earlier in July, a memo revealed that Judge Boasberg and other DC judges were prejudicially speculating about how the Trump administration might respond to an adverse ruling.
According to the memo, while at a Judicial Conference meeting, Boasberg indicated that he and his colleagues were concerned that the Trump administration would defy court orders, despite the Trump administration’s compliance with every court order to date.
In April, Senate Democrats wrote me a letter requesting an oversight hearing on the DOJ's Civil Rights Division. On Wednesday, they got their wish when I chaired a Senate judiciary hearing where @HarmeetKDhillon testified on "Ending Illegal DEI Discrimination & Preferences" 🧵
Their letter argued that Harmeet Dhillon is "fundamentally transform[ing]" the Civil Rights Division. I agree. Harmeet Dhillon is fundamentally transforming the DOJ Civil Rights Division, and that's exactly what our country needs.
Widespread discrimination plagues our society. Under previous administrations, racial discrimination was permitted to go unchecked — and often actively encouraged — by the DOJ Civil Rights Division through selective enforcement of federal civil rights laws.