Before 9/11, DEA and FBI offices across the U.S. were reporting the same anomaly, young Israelis with military intelligence backgrounds appearing at secure facilities and agents’ homes, posing as “art students” with cheap canvases.
The DEA’s Office of Security Programs compiled it all into a classified 60-page memo: over 120 operatives, 30+ cities, coordinated reconnaissance. Then the case vanished.
Here’s the timeline they buried 🧵
The DEA began receiving field reports in January 2001 about young Israelis “attempting to penetrate” DEA offices, with similar appearances at agents’ homes.
The memo notes the pattern had been occurring since at least early 2000, spiked in November–December 2000, and, while raw incident counts dipped after April 2001, the geographic spread widened to places like Wisconsin, Oklahoma, and Los Angeles.
Florida carried the heaviest concentration. The behaviors that triggered internal alarms were attempts to circumvent access control at DEA facilities and door-to-door approaches at DEA employees’ residences.
The report describes standardized team tradecraft. Groups typically moved in 8–10s under a designated “team leader,” with members dropped off to canvass while the leader circled back for pickup.
Most were early- to mid-20s, many admitted recent Israeli military service, and a majority of those questioned said they served in military intelligence, electronic signal intercept, or explosive ordnance units; some were tied to senior IDF figures (including the son of a two-star general, a former bodyguard to the army chief, and a Patriot missile operator).
Their cover stories were conspicuously consistent, “art students” from Jerusalem schools, yet they dodged basic questions about studios or training; multiple offices learned the paintings were mass-produced in China.
Tampa produced one of the clearest snapshots of logistics and money. Agents interviewed a team leader who said he bought canvases for $8–$10 in the Hollywood/Fort Lauderdale area and resold them at $50–$80 (other offices saw $150–$200 price points).
Most were on tourist visas and “financed their stay” by selling the art, with Hollywood/Fort Lauderdale functioning as a central node where several operatives held addresses.
Criminal and suspicious adjuncts popped up around the core activity: two arrests by Federal Protective Service in Plantation, FL, for counterfeit Social Security cards; a small-quantity marijuana find in Baton Rouge; and a case in Denver where a female “art student” visited an EPA special agent’s home, then returned later to photograph it.
Field reports also flagged a sighting of someone “diagramming the layout of a federal facility,” plus repeated attempts to get inside homes (including requests to “use the telephone”) and sweeps of entire neighborhoods where federal employees lived.
The Atlanta Division’s chronology captures how the pattern looked on the ground. In July/August 2000 a foreign “student” tried to enter the Chattanooga Resident Office to sell handmade pins.
In December 2000, a male–female pair (both claiming to be Israeli art students) visited a Special Agent’s residence; later the same canvases appeared for sale at the Mall of Georgia. In early January 2001, an “Israeli art student” tried to bring artwork into the Columbus, GA Resident Office and was denied entry.
On March 27, 2001, the Montgomery (AL) District Office encountered a woman with a large art portfolio who first claimed Austria, then dual Argentina–Israel ties; she and two associated operatives were ultimately linked to a Gainesville, FL base of operations.
Agents then unraveled a Montgomery cluster around named individuals, Ester Sages and Marcelo Valansi, traveling with large portfolios and a customized GMC van, saying they were “promoting” artists and listing Gainesville hotels or apartments as intended addresses.
Sages produced an Israeli passport and admitted two years of Israeli Army service; Valansi wavered on university ties and provided South American IDs and histories. EPIC checks documented multiple Miami entries under student/visitor classes, with intended addresses in Gainesville; the local FBI was looped for follow-up.
Another three-person group canvassed a Montgomery office park that included DoD contractors; the FBI identified them at a nearby La Quinta Inn.
Coverage wasn’t uniform, Boston reported no incidents under its division, but Chicago logged two in a single week. On June 26, 2000 a male–female pair visited a DEA diversion investigator’s home and left without incident.
On June 30, a second pair arrived, became confrontational when told to leave, and police were called; the team was seen cruising the neighborhood in a steel-gray Chevy Astro van with darkened windows while hitting other homes in the same area.
Across these field write-ups, EPIC immigration lookups provided the hard scaffold, names, passport/visa classes, ports of entry (heavily Miami/Newark), and intended Florida addresses, tying scattered incidents back to the same Gainesville/Hollywood–Fort Lauderdale orbit.
The memo’s summary pages explicitly state that the suspicious behaviors were the access-control workarounds at DEA offices and the systematic solicitation at agents’ residences.
Finally, the memo’s own assessment is unambiguous: the conduct, combined with background intelligence on similar Israeli operations, “leads IS to believe the incidents may well be an organized intelligence-gathering activity.” Field offices were warned to maintain caution in safeguarding information relating to DEA investigations and activities.
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From the moment Hamas military intelligence drafted its July 26, 2023 situation assessment, the outlines of October 7 were already taking shape. The document advised Yahya Sinwar to avoid any immediate escalation and instead wait for Israel’s internal political crisis to deepen.
At the time, Netanyahu’s judicial overhaul had triggered the largest protest movement in Israeli history, with tens of thousands in the streets weekly and elite reservists, including Air Force pilots, cyber operators, and special forces veterans, openly threatening to refuse service.
The memo assessed that these fractures were undermining IDF readiness and cohesion, and that a delay in action would allow those cracks to widen to the point of operational opportunity.
The paper also recommended intensifying psychological and information warfare aimed at amplifying the mistrust between the political leadership, the IDF command, and the general public.
Hamas was advised to circulate narratives, especially in social media spaces and Arab-language press, portraying the IDF as paralyzed, internally divided, and unable to mount an effective first strike.
This aligned with a pre–October 7 campaign in which Hamas-linked accounts amplified stories of IDF dysfunction and public disillusionment, sowing doubt in both the civilian and military spheres.
The U.S. campaign to break Venezuela isn’t about “restoring democracy.” It’s about shutting down a sovereign state that can disrupt oil flows, bypass the dollar, and host adversaries three hours from Miami.
Gulf Coast refineries are tuned to heavy sour crude, Venezuela’s specialty. After Trump revoked Chevron’s waiver in February 2025, Treasury granted a restricted license on July 30, following a July 24 Reuters report that authorizations were imminent.
The license bars proceeds from reaching the Maduro government. U.S. imports resumed on August 21 under those constraints. A sovereign Caracas that can meter Orinoco flows still wields a price lever, sanctions mute it, but don’t erase it.
Caracas has already tested non-dollar lifelines, oil-for-fuel swaps, yuan- and euro-denominated settlement, and off-ramps through third countries. In 2025, Venezuela has kept lobbying for BRICS+ association after Brazil’s 2024 veto.
If a sanctioned mid-tier petrostate can keep selling without the dollar, the sanctions machine loses aura. Breaking Maduro is message traffic to the rest of OPEC+ and BRICS-adjacent capitals: settle outside our rails and we will bankrupt your state or replace your cabinet.
Missiles Running Out: The U.S. Struggles to Replenish Stockpiles Depleted by Aid to Israel, The Pentagon is requesting $3.5 billion in “emergency funding” to purchase interceptors used by the U.S. military to defend Israel during its war with Iran.
Officials in Washington warn: the commitment to this ally is harming U.S. readiness, and “this cannot continue.”
Budget documents prepared through mid-May show the funds are split between weapons replenishment and support tasks like radar upkeep, ship refurbishment, and munitions transport. Almost every U.S.-specific line item is tagged as an “emergency budget request.”
The requests draw on the 2024 Israeli Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, a $14 billion package partly earmarked to rebuild U.S. inventories and buy more Israeli missile interceptors. The Pentagon’s own filings state the spending is necessary to offset costs to U.S. Central Command from operations “executed at the request of or in coordination with Israel for the defense of Israeli territory, personnel, or assets” during attacks by Iran or its proxies.
And the rabbit hole goes deeper. Beyond trafficking women and laborers, we find the story of Brazil’s Baby Farm, a child trafficking ring with direct Israeli involvement.
🧵 Brazil, 1986: The Baby Trafficking Scandal
In June 1986, 50 Brazilian federal agents raided homes, nurseries, and a maternity hospital in Santa Catarina. They recovered 20 infants, some only days old.
The mastermind was lawyer Carlos Cesario Pereira, who ran a trafficking pipeline exporting babies abroad.
Pereira admitted to arranging 150 adoptions, charging $5,000 per child (ten times the legal rate). His clients were overwhelmingly Israeli couples, funneled to him through word-of-mouth networks.
At the time, police detained 22 Israelis in the sting operation.
In light of the recent revelation that 100% of Thai foreign agricultural workers in Israel reported sexual assault, it’s time to highlight once again what many prefer to ignore: Israel has long been a hub for human trafficking, exploitation, and sexual violence.🧵
In the 1990s–2000s, investigative reports uncovered how Slavic women, many trafficked from Ukraine and Russia, were lured with false job ads, smuggled into Israel, had their passports burned, and were forced into brothels. They were beaten, raped, and sold like property, while police and courts looked the other way.
In 2023, during the Ukraine war, thousands of Ukrainian women sought refuge in Israel. Instead of safety, many were raped by “hosts,” subjected to workplace exploitation, or pushed into cycles of violence and poverty. Israel denied them refugee status, leaving them exposed and unprotected.
At the Northern Command change-of-command, the IDF Chief of Staff framed Israel’s northern front as part of a generational mission, one that blends historical memory, permanent settlement, and preemptive force.
His speech repeatedly invoked a lineage from Tel Hai to the present, describing northern communities as a “symbol of a steadfast front” and pledging that Israel “will not retreat” from its borders.
From a military standpoint, the message was unambiguous: containment is over. The Chief of Staff lauded outgoing commander Uri Gordin for a “deep conceptual shift” toward an offensive posture, striking threats “in their embryonic stages” with coordinated land, air, and naval operations.
This included intensified action in southern Lebanon, targeting Hezbollah’s military, logistical, and psychological infrastructure, as well as reshaping deployments on the Syrian border to match shifting regional dynamics.
He also linked Northern Command’s operations directly to deep regional strikes, highlighting the “Am K’Lavi” operation against Iranian nuclear and missile infrastructure as a years-long preparation now executed.
The vision is of a north that is not just defended, but actively expanded as part of a continuous security envelope.