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Aug 25 5 tweets 9 min read Read on X
1/ For generations, men far greater than I have sought to name the source of the West’s supremacy. In its essence, the answer is the uniqueness of the European peoples. Wherever European man has set foot, he has transformed the world, shaping wilderness into cities, tribes into nations, and myth into history.

No less have men sought to explain why the West now declines. The truth is equally plain to anyone who still possesses the capacity for honest thought. Europeans are being displaced in their own homelands. Civilizations are not sustained by slogans or institutions alone. They are carried by blood, by the living continuity of a people. When that people dwindles, society corrodes, and when it is replaced, the civilization ceases to exist.

The men of old knew this instinctively, for they lived beneath the eyes of their ancestors. A name was not a casual designation but a sacred burden, a banner of memory carried forward through time. To disgrace one’s line was to wound one’s very being; to ennoble it was to prove oneself the spearpoint of descent, the flowering of all that had gone before. Each generation stood within this chain, compelled to honor what had been received, yet also pressed by the desire to surpass it. In this there arose a tension deeper than philosophy, a law inscribed in blood itself: the obligation to remain a son of the clan, and the longing to stand apart as a man whose name would echo after his death.

It was from this tension that Europe drew her distinction among civilizations. In India, men were bound within castes where greatness meant the perfection of a role already fixed, conformity raised to a principle of eternity. In China, the weight of Confucian propriety pressed the individual into the service of family and empire until personality itself became a shadow cast by hierarchy. In Japan, courage and discipline were exalted in the figure of the samurai, but his nobility ended in self-extinction before his lord; he could die with beauty, but he died faceless, and no sagas were sung of him.

Europe alone preserved another order, in which the individual did not vanish into the collective but rose above it as its crown. Homer sang not of a people dissolved into anonymity but of Achilles, whose wrath bent the fate of armies. The tragedians of Athens carried this further, showing how the choices of a single king could reverberate through time and overturn the destinies of nations. And in the North, the sagas of Iceland and the legends of the Volsungs gave immortality to men who defied both kin and fate, standing forth from the tribe with such force that their names became indistinguishable from the destiny of their people.Image
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2/ To strive for renown was never simply to indulge pride or to advance the clan by cunning calculation. It was to place oneself before the eyes of gods and men, to gamble one’s life against time itself. When a man distinguished himself, his triumphs magnified the strength of his kin and secured the continuation of the tribe. Women sought the one whose name resounded louder than the rest, for in him they saw not merely a protector but the very fountain of life renewed. Yet this striving cannot be reduced to what modern science calls reproductive fitness, for the heroic impulse often cut against survival.

Achilles, when offered the choice between a long but obscure life and a short life crowned by glory, chose the latter. His renown would outlive him, and that permanence was of greater worth than longevity. The Norse sagas are filled with men who fought duels or avenged insults that to modern eyes seem trivial, willingly spilling blood and forfeiting safety to preserve honor. These were not careful strategies of adaptation but wagers with eternity itself. They reveal a people who valued the story of their lives more than the continuation of their breath.

And the men themselves spoke in these terms. They did not justify their actions as prudent or useful but as worthy of remembrance. In the Hellenic world the word was kleos, glory or fame, the song that endures after death. In the North it was lof, the praise that lives in speech and memory. Both terms point to the same truth: that life only achieves permanence when it is preserved in the words of others, when it becomes part of the story. A man might perish, but if he had lived greatly his name could not die.

This was the consciousness of saga, the awareness that life itself is speech. The Old Norse saga means “that which is spoken,” the tale that carries a life across generations. In Greek thought, the parallel is logos, a word that means not only “speech” but also “gathering,” “reckoning,” and “order.” In Heraclitus, logos names the hidden harmony of the world, the measure by which all things are disclosed. To live for saga, then, is to live toward speech, to act in such a way that one’s life can be said, that it may be gathered into the memory of the people and aligned with the order of things.

The hero thus became the visible form of the tribe’s continuity. He was not merely a vessel of descent but a figure who gave shape and brilliance to descent. His deeds, once spoken, became part of the people’s hoard of memory. Each saga, whether of Achilles or Sigurd or Beowulf, was a fragment of eternity wrested from the flow of time: to live in such a way was to accept death, yet to defy oblivion.Image
3/ Not every life could be remembered, yet the aspiration to be worthy of remembrance shaped the character of our ancestors. To live greatly was not only to survive, but to live toward death with eyes open, knowing that only in death would life be complete, sealed, and judged. So long as a man lived, his story was unfinished, open to reversal or ruin. At death, his tale was fixed, and the verdict of his people would stand as his immortality or his damnation. Death was therefore not the enemy but the consummating moment, the point at which the shape of a life was revealed.

To live with this awareness was to treat every deed as a line in a tale, to choose actions not for advantage alone but for what was fitting, noble, and “worthy of me.” The Greeks spoke of aretē, excellence, the quality that gave form and brilliance to a life. The Northern peoples spoke of drengskapr, manly virtue, by which one proved oneself not only brave but true. These were not abstractions, but standards by which men measured their deeds against the eternal tribunal of memory.

This consciousness of death and of fame gave form to life itself. Without it, men fall into the half-life of those who think only of safety. And that is precisely the condition of modern man. He believes himself liberated from the past, when in fact he is enslaved by forces he cannot name. He imagines that he has freed himself from the chains of blood, lineage, and duty, when in truth he has only severed himself from meaning. He lives for the moment, never for the eternal. He recoils from destiny, from the discipline of form, from the limits that once shaped men into greatness.

He clings to life as if it were the highest good, fearing death above all, and thereby loses the very thing that gives life its greatness. He achieves safety but forfeits distinction. He becomes interchangeable, faceless. He is not remembered, because nothing he does is worth saying. Surrounded by machines that magnify his reach, his soul withers into inertia, slipping between the animal and the vegetative. Modern man has not transcended the saga; he has fallen beneath it, beneath even the level of those who once lived only to serve their caste or their lord. He is subhuman not through cruelty or savagery, but because his life contains nothing enduring.

The grandeur of the West was always tragic, for our ancestors knew that nothing endures. Not even the gods could escape fate. The Greeks told of the Moirai, the Fates, who spun and cut the thread of life, binding even Zeus himself. The Norse spoke of an inexorable destiny that determined the end of gods and men alike. Even Yggdrasil, the world-tree, would one day wither. Yet it was precisely because all things were destined to perish that our people sought to wrench permanence from the impermanent, to preserve the fleeting moment in story, to create fragments of eternity in the midst of time.

This is why our ancestors lived toward death, not in despair but in grandeur. For them, death crowned the life, and remembrance bestowed a second existence beyond the grave. This awareness shaped their courage, their poetry, their art, and their politics. They knew the world was passing, but they lived as if glory were eternal. In this tragic wisdom resided the essence of the West.Image
4/ The man who still aspires to greatness lives differently from the mass around him. He does not measure life by its length or by the comforts it can yield, but by the shape it assumes when seen from the end. He lives toward death, not in despair but in clarity, for it is death that seals the story, crowns the life, and gives it form. To live in this way is to treat every deed as part of a tale that others will speak, to act with the knowledge that one’s life will be judged as a whole, and that only the worthy endure in memory.

This mode of life required an intimate knowledge of wyrd, that Northern word for fate, destiny, the web of necessity woven through gods and men alike. Wyrd was not merely a passive doom but the current of reality itself, the stream into which all actions flow. The man of honor sought to place himself within this stream, to align his deeds with its rhythm. He could not escape his fate, but he could meet it nobly, and by so doing shape how it would be told. To act with knowledge of wyrd was not to surrender but to transform necessity into destiny, to make fate itself the instrument of one’s immortality.

The aim was not to live long but to die well. To die with fame, with distinction, with a name that would not perish. Such a death was not defeat but consummation, the sealing of a life into a whole, the transformation of fleeting existence into permanence. The ancients understood that the end of breath was not the end of being, for memory could carry a man beyond the grave. To be remembered, to be sung of, to have one’s name inscribed into the saga, was to attain a second life that time itself could not erase.

Yet in the face of this certainty, our ancestors lived as if glory were eternal. They did not bow before the knowledge of fate but made it the measure of their deeds. They waged their lives against time itself, wrenching from mortality fragments of eternity in story, in song, in remembrance.

Here lies the essence of the Western spirit: to live with the awareness of death and yet to create permanence out of impermanence, to wrest from the passing moment the immortality of a name. The man who accepts this task stands not only as the continuation of his blood but as its crown. He carries forward what he has inherited, adds to it, and by his death leaves it greater than he found it. For he is both the marble and the sculptor, remaking himself through suffering into the shape of greatness. His life becomes a saga, a testament to the truth that though all things perish, greatness endures.Image
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Aug 24
1/ There is no greater lie than the illusion of Left versus Right.

The illusion begins not with eternal truths of politics but with the intellectual vanity of the Enlightenment. In the eighteenth century, European thinkers proclaimed that mankind could be remade through reason, that centuries of tradition could be overturned by argument, that the fabric of authority woven from throne and altar could be dissolved by pamphlets and constitutions. The Enlightenment was not only a philosophical movement but a political wager: that society could be rationalized, equalized, and universalized, that men could be abstracted from their peoples and treated as identical units of an ideal humanity.

This experiment culminated in the French Revolution, when the old order was swept aside in the name of “liberty, equality, and fraternity.” It was in this moment of destruction that the terms Left and Right were born, not as metaphysical categories but as a matter of physical seating. Deputies who favored revolution sat on the left side of the National Assembly, while those who wished to preserve the monarchy sat on the right. From this trivial arrangement a new political cosmology was fabricated, as if the placement of men in a hall determined the destiny of nations.

The categories hardened in rhetoric even as their meaning shifted. What had been a geographical convenience became a moral code. The Left was said to embody progress, the Right to embody reaction. The Enlightenment dream of remaking mankind was projected onto the chamber itself, where sides of the room now stood for sides of history. In truth, what was born was not a science of politics but a myth of polarity, a binary that would mask the deeper realities of descent and power, and in time serve as an instrument to strip Whites of their identity while cloaking their dispossession in the language of ideology.
2/ From their accidental birth, the categories of Left and Right never held firm. They stretched and twisted with each generation until the terms no longer marked consistent principles but only shifting alignments of power. What counted as liberal in one century became conservative in the next; what was once condemned as reactionary later reappeared as reform. The binary proved incapable of anchoring political reality because it was never founded on anything more substantial than expedience.

The nineteenth century revealed this mutability with merciless clarity. Liberals who once defended property and the free market against aristocratic privilege became, in time, the advocates of universal suffrage and redistribution. Conservatives who once upheld hierarchy and tradition soon made their peace with industrial capitalism, defending not throne and altar but profit and parliament. By the twentieth century, entire regimes could switch places on the spectrum without altering their essential methods: communism and fascism both claimed to be revolutionary, both were accused of reaction, both were denounced as Left or Right depending only on who wielded the label.

The present age is no different. Causes that only yesterday were the banners of progress, such as same-sex marriage, unrestricted speech, and suspicion of concentrated wealth, have been abandoned by progressives themselves, who now demand censorship and celebrate corporate power as long as it drapes itself in the language of diversity. Conservatives, once defenders of religion and restraint, now defend pornography as free expression and global finance as the essence of liberty. That the same terms are used to describe such shifting positions is proof enough that Left and Right are not realities but symbols, empty vessels into which elites pour whatever serves their interests, while the deeper facts of ancestry and peoplehood are excluded from consideration.Image
3/ If the categories of Left and Right lack substance, why have they endured? The answer lies not in truth but in control. They function as masks by which regimes disguise the real axis of power. By dividing Whites into rival camps and encouraging their quarrels, the ruling order prevents recognition of deeper realities: the permanence of descent, the continuity of genes, the unity of peoplehood, and the material interests of elites. The spectacle of Left against Right is a managed performance, staged so that Whites expend their strength in empty disputes while the true structure of domination remains untouched.

This explains why both sides, despite their advertised differences, converge on the same prohibitions. Whether labeled progressive or conservative, the establishment is united in hostility toward Whites organizing in their own collective interest. One wing cloaks the denial in the rhetoric of progress and equality, the other in the language of color-blind individualism. Yet race is not reducible to the pigment of skin but to the deeper inheritance of blood and memory, the transmission of culture and character through generations. And when the moment of crisis comes, when a White man is assaulted not for what he believes but for what he is, no one asks his opinion on tax policy or foreign wars. The mask slips, and the reality beneath is revealed.

The fraud of Left and Right is therefore not a harmless confusion but an instrument of dispossession. It divides Whites into hostile camps while ensuring that both camps serve the same masters. It offers the illusion of choice while concealing the continuity of power. By keeping Whites trapped in the false quarrel of ideology, it prevents them from awakening to the truth that politics begins and ends with their survival as a people.Image
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Aug 22
1/ Equality is death, for where difference is erased, meaning itself perishes.

No idea has been more influential, and more ruinous for the modern West, than the belief in equality. It has reordered our institutions, rewritten our laws, and redefined the very meaning of justice. Enshrined as the highest moral principle, it now functions not as a policy aim but as a sacred imperative: untouchable, unquestionable, and enforced with the zeal of a political theology. Every major political tradition, whether liberal, social-democratic, or post-Marxist, proceeds from the assumption that inequality is inherently unjust and that the equalization of man is not only desirable but morally necessary.

Yet the civilization which has most ardently embraced this principle has not entered a golden age. It has entered a state of civilizational fatigue, demographic decline, and spiritual exhaustion. The attempt to engineer sameness across all domains of life has not led to harmony but to disorder; not to justice, but to inversion; not to liberation, but to rootlessness and despair.

The theoretical edifice of egalitarianism rests on a fundamental misreading of man’s nature and a willful abstraction from the biological, ancestral, and cultural structures upon which civilization rests. The modern state, in its liberal-democratic form, no longer merely tolerates this abstraction; it now demands that all meaningful distinctions between individuals, sexes, classes, races, and peoples be treated as morally inadmissible. From this moral axiom emerges the categorical imperative to eliminate all disparities in outcome, and to interpret their persistence as proof of oppression or injustice. Every form of advantage is reduced to illegitimate privilege, and every manifestation of excellence is viewed with suspicion, as if nature itself were guilty of prejudice.Image
2/ Under such a regime, the distinction between the natural and the artificial is deliberately collapsed. The unequal distribution of capacity, intelligence, beauty, and virtue is no longer accepted as a fact of life but condemned as an artifact of discrimination. The solution, invariably, is coercive intervention: through forced integration, racial preferences, wealth redistribution, speech regulation, and ideological education. These measures are not justified as prudent corrections. They are demanded as acts of moral restitution, enforced without limit or reciprocal obligation.

Yet such policies do not abolish privilege. They merely reassign it. Where once privilege was the earned result of achievement, sacrifice, or inherited responsibility, it is now redistributed on the basis of grievance, victimhood, or numerical imbalance. The result is a political order in which those who build are punished, those who destroy are protected, and those who rule do so by moral manipulation rather than merit or service. The civilization is hollowed out from within. Its foundational stock is disinherited, its values inverted, its future surrendered. This is not a failure of egalitarianism. It is the fulfillment of its logic, which operates less as a political philosophy than as a death cult, ritually denying form, abolishing rank, and sanctifying the indistinct until nothing remains worth preserving.

What emerges from this inversion is not merely a disordered society, but a metaphysically broken one. For equality, when treated as a transcendent value, does not merely reorder politics. It redefines the structure of meaning itself. All meaning is rooted in difference. What is identical cannot be significant. What is indistinguishable cannot be valuable. To equalize is to erase form; and to erase form is to annul the conditions of significance. In every civilization worthy of the name, meaning was cultivated through hierarchy, orientation, and limit. Whether in ritual, in art, or in law, the affirmation of order presupposed a recognition of rank. The noble was higher than the base. The beautiful was higher than the grotesque. The eternal was higher than the contingent. The modern mind, in refusing to judge, refuses also to uphold. And what it refuses to uphold, it slowly forgets.Image
3/ This logic permeates all institutions. In the academy, truth is subordinated to activism. In the arts, the canon is dismantled and replaced with propaganda. In religion, transcendence gives way to moralistic therapeutic egalitarianism. In law, equal treatment becomes impossible because outcome disparities must be interpreted as evidence of guilt. And in politics, the ideal of the citizen is replaced with that of the abstract human, unattached to any particular people, history, or territory.

The most extreme expression of this system appears in the multiracial democracies of the postwar West. Here the ideology of egalitarianism converges with the managerial logic of demographic transformation. Indigenous Europeans are taught that to affirm their own descent is hateful, that to organize in their own interest is criminal, and that to resist their displacement is a form of moral pathology. Immigration is treated not as a policy question but as a sacrament. The term racist functions not as an insult but as a secular excommunication. Once accused, the individual is cast out from the moral community, stripped of rights, and subjected to economic, social, and legal punishment. The charge does not require evidence. It requires only deviation.

This condition cannot be explained solely in political terms. It reflects the total victory of a moral system that has no place for hierarchy, no conception of rootedness, and no vocabulary for excellence. A man who affirms value must first affirm difference. He must accept that not all things are equal, and not all peoples interchangeable. The liberal mind, having rejected this, is left with only one imperative: to manage decline in a manner that appears benevolent. But managerial benevolence is not civilization. It is anesthesia.Image
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Aug 20
1/ Aristotle, Antipater, and the Death of Alexander the Great

The exact cause of Alexander’s death in June of 323, in the palace of Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon, has been a matter of speculation for more than two millennia, a riddle that has haunted historians from antiquity to the present.

Speculation in the ancient sources ranges from fever and natural illness to poison of the most exotic sort, and the truth will never be known with certainty. Yet to understand the political climate of 324–323, one must look not only to the king’s orientalizing program and the fury it aroused among his men, but also to the powerful figures who stood to gain from his removal.

In this regard, the Antipater and Cassander connection cannot be ignored. Antipater, a stalwart of Philip II, Alexander’s father, a member of the noble house of Iolaus and long-serving guardian of the Argead dynasty, the royal line to which both Philip and Alexander belonged, was one of the key figures who secured Alexander’s succession after his father’s assassination in 336. He governed Europe as regent and as strategos, or general, throughout the Asian campaigns, ruling Macedon, Greece, and the League of Corinth in Alexander’s absence. From this position of immense power, he became both indispensable to the empire’s stability and a natural counterweight to the young king’s expanding vision in Asia.

Antipater was more than a caretaker of Philip’s legacy, he was its living embodiment. He had been present at the creation of the League of Corinth in 337, the confederation through which Philip bound the Greek cities to Macedonian hegemony, and it was Antipater who preserved its fragile equilibrium while Alexander pursued conquest abroad. He upheld Philip’s military system, ensuring that the machinery of the Macedonian state, its phalanx, its cavalry traditions, and its network of loyalist cities, remained intact through a decade of foreign war. He negotiated tirelessly with Athens, Sparta, and the other proud poleis, alternately cajoling, bribing, and threatening them into compliance. When revolts broke out, it was Antipater who raised armies and crushed resistance, reminding the Greeks that Macedonian supremacy was not merely the will of one king but the entrenched order of the age.

In his person Antipater represented continuity, a bridge between Philip’s hard-forged hegemony and Alexander’s world-spanning vision. To many in Macedon and Greece he was the guarantor of stability, the anchor of tradition, a statesman who stood for discipline and the old ways. His court at Pella, sober and conservative, embodied that ethos, a deliberate counterpoint to the glittering orientalized pageantry of Babylon. Between the two courts, the traditionalist Macedonian heartland and the hybrid experiment of the new empire, lay the fault line that would ultimately fracture Alexander’s legacy.

Antipater’s opposition was strengthened by his long-standing bond of xenia with Aristotle, that sacred institution of guest-friendship which bound men together across distance, time, and fortune. This was no casual acquaintance but a relationship sanctified by tradition, demanding loyalty, mutual aid, and an almost familial trust. The two maintained it through years of correspondence, and in Aristotle, Antipater found not only a friend but a kindred spirit.

The philosopher, who had once been entrusted with the shaping of Alexander’s mind in the quiet groves of Mieza, had ample cause to resent the king in his later years. As we have already discussed in relation to the fate of his nephew Callisthenes, the court historian whom Alexander himself had appointed, the resentment was personal as well as political. Callisthenes was no ordinary kinsman. He had been close to Aristotle from youth, almost a son rather than a nephew, and together they had worked to continue the Hellenica, a history of Greece conceived as a sequel to Thucydides. The bond of family was deepened by that of scholarship, the master and his kin joined in both blood and letters.

This made his fall all the more grievous. Callisthenes refused to abase himself in the Persian rite of proskynesis, the gesture of prostration before the king that blurred the line between man and god. Not long after, when the so-called Pages’ Conspiracy was uncovered among Alexander’s attendants in 327, the historian was accused of complicity. Whether guilty or merely a convenient scapegoat, the result was the same. He was clapped in irons, chained like a criminal, and dragged before the Macedonian court.

Ancient reports vary, but none absolve Alexander of cruelty. Some say Callisthenes was kept in fetters for months, denied food until his body wasted away, rotting in filth and despair. Others whisper that he was stretched upon the rack, his joints torn from their sockets, or even crucified like a slave along the dusty roads of Bactria. However the end came, it was brutal, a calculated humiliation not only to the man himself but to his family and, above all, to his uncle. For Aristotle, the stain clung like blood.

As we have discussed previously, the insult cut deeper still when set against Aristotle’s older grievances with the Argead house. Decades before, Philip II had razed Aristotle’s native Stagira to the ground, scattering its people, enslaving its children, and erasing the city from the map. Though it would later be restored, the memory of its destruction lingered, and no restoration could ever wipe away the humiliation. To see his nephew shackled, starved, and tortured by Philip’s son was to reopen that wound, as if the cruelty of the father had returned in the son with redoubled force.

For Aristotle, the boy he had once taught Homer and ethics had become a tyrant, and the tyrant had murdered his kin. The family bond was dishonored, the city of his birth avenged only in ashes, and the balance of blood was set. It is no wonder that his sympathies inclined far more to Antipater’s stern Macedonian conservatism than to Alexander’s grandiose vision of fusing East and West into a single order.Image
2/ The final crisis between Alexander and his Macedonians came at Opis in 324. There, on the banks of the Tigris, the king laid bare his designs for the future. Before the assembled army he announced the demobilization of more than ten thousand hardened veterans, men who had followed him from Chaeronea through Granicus, Issus, Gaugamela, and beyond the Hyphasis. At the same time he paraded thirty thousand Persian youths, the so-called epigonoi, the “successors,” drilled in the Macedonian style of arms and discipline. To the veterans this was no honor but a calculated humiliation. They heard in the word “successors” the quiet declaration that their places in the phalanx, and perhaps in the king’s favor, were already forfeit to Asiatics.

The mutiny was fierce, the air filled with angry cries that Alexander had forgotten the companions of his youth and preferred Persian boys to the blood of Macedonian men. Their rage was sharpened by betrayal. Only months before, at Susa, Alexander had solemnized the marriages of his Companions to Persian brides and legitimized the unions of thousands of ordinary soldiers with Asiatic women, even granting each man a wedding gift from the royal treasury. Now he dismissed those same veterans and ordered them back to Macedon under Craterus, while their wives and children were compelled to remain behind in the East. The men who had marched with him for two decades, from the plains of Greece to the Indus, were thus stripped not only of their honor but of their newly forged households, the very families Alexander himself had bound them to. The insult was profound: they were cast off, while the future of Macedon was to be carried forward by Persians.

Alexander, cold and unyielding, crushed their defiance. In a gesture meant to soothe, he proclaimed all his Macedonians syngeneis, “kinsmen,” borrowing a Persian courtly title and clothing it in Greek. Yet the words rang hollow. The veterans knew that their families were left behind, their marriages severed by royal decree, their bloodlines deliberately entwined with a people many of them despised. What they saw was not reconciliation but confirmation that their king had crossed irrevocably into the Persian world.

For Antipater in Pella, the scene at Opis was further proof of all he had feared. The men returning to Europe would carry bitter tales of betrayal, of wives and children abandoned, of a king who called Persians his kin and dishonored Macedonian blood. To the regent, loyal to Philip’s memory and the old order, Alexander’s orientalizing vision was not simply arrogance but apostasy, the willful destruction of Macedonian identity itself.

The men were cast aside, humiliated, and sent home under Craterus. Yet this dismissal was not merely a matter of logistics. I, and others, have speculated that Alexander’s intent was far more deliberate: Craterus was to return with seasoned men still loyal to him personally, and with their strength dislodge Antipater from his entrenched regency in Europe, perhaps even to remove him outright by force or assassination.

Here lay the real collision: Antipater’s traditionalist court at Pella, anchored in the memory of Philip and the iron discipline of the old Macedonian ways, set against Alexander’s orientalizing program in Babylon, with its orchestrated marriages at Susa, its proclamation of Persian kinship in Greek words, its thirty thousand successors drilled in the Macedonian style, and its vast utopian vision of a new Persian-Macedonian nobility that would dissolve the very order from which he had sprung. And in that collision, the intrigues of the next generation found their spark, in Antipater’s ambitious son Cassander, who would soon make his uneasy appearance in Babylon itself.

Cassander, raised at the Macedonian court in the same generation as Alexander but never of his inner circle, was cut from a different cloth than the companions who had marched with the king from boyhood. Ancient sources agree in painting him as ruthless, calculating, and consumed by ambition. At Babylon he appeared awkward and out of place in the glittering, half-Persian court. Plutarch preserves the telling detail that, when brought before Alexander, Cassander trembled and stammered under the king’s gaze, mocked by others for his lack of composure. The humiliation seared into him a lasting hatred of Alexander’s memory, a hatred that would shape the rest of his career.Image
3/ That same hatred has led some, myself included, to speculate that Cassander may even have been the vessel through which poison reached the king’s lips, not by his own hands but through the quiet hiring of assassins and agents in the shadowed corridors of Babylon. The city, swollen with soldiers, courtiers, envoys, and exiles, was a perfect breeding ground for conspiracy, a place where intrigue and access to exotic poisons were as common as the markets along the Euphrates. Cassander, awkward and uneasy amid the splendor of Alexander’s half-Persian court, was well-suited to subtler tools of manipulation and betrayal. The very fact of his presence at Babylon in those final months, when the conqueror’s health faltered and suspicion thickened, places him within the realm of possibility. His later career, steeped in cruelty, ambition, and the calculated annihilation of rivals, confirms the character.

In 316, having gained the upper hand in the Wars of the Successors, Cassander struck first at Olympias, Alexander’s formidable mother. She had dared to claim regency for her grandson and rallied armies in his name. Captured at Pydna, she was delivered to a mob of soldiers and citizens clamoring for her blood. Abandoned by allies, she was stoned to death in public, her noble body shattered beneath the missiles of men who once hailed her as queen. Tradition lingers on the horror: the mother of Alexander the Great, widow of Philip, daughter of Epirus, reduced to a bleeding ruin at the hands of a jeering crowd while Cassander looked on, cool and unmoved. The execution was not only murder but desecration, a deliberate spectacle meant to erase her majesty as thoroughly as her life.

With Olympias gone, Cassander turned next to Alexander’s immediate heirs. Around 310–309 he ordered Roxane, the Bactrian wife of Alexander, and their young son, Alexander IV, confined at Amphipolis. The child, the last living heir of the conqueror, was entombed with his mother and together they were left to starve, a fate both cruel and ignoble, yet entirely consistent with Cassander’s ruthless reputation. Later writers blackened the tale still further, describing them as literally walled up alive within the fortress, buried before death, extinguished in darkness so that the blood of Alexander’s dynasty would never trouble him again. Other Argeads who might have carried a flicker of dynastic legitimacy were systematically removed in the same cold spirit, until no rival claimant remained. Cassander’s kingship was founded not on inheritance but on erasure, built upon the deliberate extinction of the dynasty whose spears had mastered Asia.

Yet the same man who butchered the blood of Alexander also sought legitimacy in stone and city. He married Thessalonike, Alexander’s half-sister, and named a city after her, Thessalonica, securing his own memory in walls even as he obliterated the line of kings. It was the paradox of his reign: creation and destruction, construction and murder, fused into one cold ambition.

Thus the lines of suspicion converge. Antipater, ruling in Europe, hostile to orientalization and supported by Aristotle’s counsel; Craterus, returning with veterans who could unseat him; and Cassander, already present in Babylon, soon to prove himself the coldest butcher of the Argead line. In such a climate, the idea that Alexander was dispatched by poison ceases to be fanciful. Ancient sources themselves, from Plutarch to Justin, repeat the suspicion, some even naming Antipater and his sons as the guilty hands.

Personally, I have always found strychnine poisoning, given Alexander’s lingering symptoms of fever, agony, and paralysis, to be the most plausible candidate. It reflects the logic of power among men who knew that the conqueror’s ambitions, his impious claims to godhood, his Persianizing marriages, his vast plans for population transfers, new wars, etc. threatened to dissolve the Macedonian order that had raised him. In this world of intrigue and ambition, poison was not fantasy but the coin of survival, and Babylon, swollen with soldiers and courtiers, was fertile ground for its use.

Whether by fever or by draught, by the hand of the gods or the hand of men, Alexander’s end came suddenly in the palace of Nebuchadnezzar, and with him fell the unity of his empire. What remained was the logic of power: regents, generals, and sons of regents carving up his dominion, murdering his heirs, and rewriting his legacy in blood. The conqueror who dreamed of fusing Macedon and Persia into a single order left no heir ready to rule, no council to guide the future, no plan for succession beyond his own living presence. By tying the empire to himself alone, he ensured that his death would shatter it.

The greatest empire the world had yet seen was built by his hand and undone by his own failure to secure its future. In the bitter words of later historians, the wars that followed were nothing less than the funeral games of Alexander, a savage contest in which his generals vied not to honor him but to seize his body and devour his dominion. Yet from the ruins of that struggle arose the Hellenistic age, a world of brilliance where Greek art, science, and kingship spread from the Nile to the Indus, enduring for centuries and changing history forever.Image
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Aug 19
1/ The Indo-European is a form of man, an order of existence. It is not merely a linguistic family, nor a paleontological curiosity to be catalogued among fossils and shards. It is the expression of a structure so primordial that it recurs wherever Europeans have turned their vision: in myth, in law, in philosophy, in the very anatomy of the body. To see this order clearly is to recover something of our own hidden measure.

The great discovery of Georges Dumézil was that the ancient Indo-European peoples, whether Vedic Indians, Romans, Norsemen, or Celts, conceived their cosmos and their societies according to a tripartite law. There were always three functions: a sacred sovereignty marked by wisdom and command; a martial estate defined by courage and force; and a third estate devoted to fertility, sustenance, and production. Kings, warriors, and cultivators; priests, knights, and herdsmen: different names, but the same trinity. This was no mere sociological pattern but metaphysics made flesh in custom and rite, a recognition that Being itself discloses itself in three irreducible modes.

The Indo-European inheritance, therefore, did not remain fixed in its earliest forms. Each people reinterpreted the triad according to its own genius, its inner daemon, the guiding power that shaped its destiny and gave its institutions their particular stamp.

Among the Aryans of India, the castes hardened into a rigid hierarchy, sanctified by the vast metaphysical speculations of the Brahmins. Among the Romans, the triad became a civic constitution, written into law and embodied in the dignity of magistrates and patricians. Among the Germanic peoples, the same order was carried forward with Odin, Tyr, and Thor as guardians of wisdom, of law, of battle, so that the sagas themselves preserved the old Indo-European measure.

As Europe took shape, the Indo-European inheritance was not merely preserved but transfigured. The land and its peoples impressed upon it a new style, so that it bore the character of European man himself: balance joined with inner dynamism. It was never sufficient to leave the three functions as rigid castes or fixed estates. European thought and European form sought instead to weave them together in living synthesis.

Even the very word “king” in the Germanic and Celtic tongues implied one who bore all three functions within himself. The sovereign was not priest alone, nor warrior alone, nor provider alone, but the living microcosm of the entire order. This instinct for synthesis, for gathering the manifold into a higher unity without dissolving the distinct, appears already in Homer and in Plato, and later shapes the Gothic cathedrals, the theology of Aquinas, and the Renaissance vision of man. Here harmony was never homogeneity, but the just proportion of distinct powers.

Thus the Indo-European bequest is no antiquarian relic but the very code of Europe’s being, a grammar of order that reappears whenever the continent rises to self-consciousness. To recover it is not to imitate dead forms but to awaken again to the structure that underlies both cosmos and man. The tripartite law is the architecture of reality itself, and Europe’s destiny has always been to discern, to articulate, and to live according to that measure.Image
2/ If Indo-European society was ordered according to a tripartite law, it was because this law was already inscribed within the soul itself. Political forms are not arbitrary inventions, nor the product of mere expedience; they are projections outward of the inner constitution of man. The city is the soul writ large, the macrocosm, and the soul is the city in miniature, the microcosm.

Plato, in the “Republic,” gave the classical expression to this insight. He distinguished the logistikon or rational soul, the thumoeides or spirited soul, and the epithumētikon or appetitive soul. The rational seeks truth and order, the spirited seeks honor and victory, the appetitive seeks nourishment, pleasure, and increase. These are not random impulses but distinct strata of being, each with its own dignity and necessity. When Plato assigns rule to the rational, guardianship to the spirited, and service to the appetitive, he is not spinning a theory out of the aether but recognizing the deep affinity between psychic structure and civic order.

Later thought confirmed and expanded this recognition. The physiognomic schools of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, though now dismissed, recognized three primary body types that parallel the tripartition of the soul. The ectomorphic, cerebral, nervous type corresponds to the priestly and sovereign function: cool, withdrawn, dominated by the head. The mesomorphic, muscular, broad-shouldered type corresponds to the warrior function: vigorous, aggressive, predisposed to action. The endomorphic, round-bodied, digestive type corresponds to the third function: content with food, with plenty, with the enjoyment of life. These are not mere accidents of physiology but outward signatures of inner predominance. The body is a visible hieroglyph of the soul.

Nor does the correspondence end there. Within the organs of the body itself, the tripartition reappears. Wolfgang Schad, the German biologist and anthroposophist, distinguished three great systems in the mammalian organism: the nerve-sense system, the respiratory-circulatory system, and the metabolic-limb system. These correspond precisely to the three functions: the guiding sovereignty of the nerves and senses, the militant energy of the blood and breath, the productive labor of the stomach and limbs. Each system, like each estate, cannot exist without the others; yet in man they are balanced, so that no one system wholly dominates. This balance is unique to man, and it suggests that man himself is not merely another animal, but a microcosm that gathers the whole order of nature into his own frame.

Thus the tripartite law is not only a principle of society, but of psychology, of physiology, of anatomy. Man himself is the first testimony to its truth.Image
3/ If the law of three governs man and society, it is because it already governs nature itself. Man is not the origin of this order but its reflection. What the Indo-Europeans discerned is that the very fabric of the cosmos is woven on a tripartite loom.

Consider first the animal kingdom. Wolfgang Schad observed that among mammals one of the three bodily systems tends to predominate. Rodents exaggerate the nerve-sense system: their large heads, restless movements, and vigilant energy testify to a life ruled by sensation. Ungulates exaggerate the metabolic-limb system: their great bellies and heavy frames speak of digestion and growth. Carnivores embody the respiratory-circulatory system: proportionate, vigorous, predatory, they are the natural rulers of the animal world. Each corresponds to one of the Indo-European functions: rodent to priest, ungulate to producer, carnivore to warrior.

The same rhythm is written into anatomy. Teeth fall into three types: incisors, canines, molars. Rodents exalt the incisor, carnivores the canine, ungulates the molar. Man alone bears all three in equal measure, suggesting that he encompasses within himself the whole of the animal order, just as the king embodies all the estates. To be human is to be microcosm.

The cosmos itself displays the triad. Earth, the fecund and chaotic ground of waters and growth, is the third function. Sky, realm of wind and storm, of thunder and battle, is the second. Heaven, radiant in sun and star, is the first, the domain of order and measure. Norse myth speaks of three wells beneath Yggdrasil, Greek myth of the three fates, Vedic thought of the three worlds. Everywhere the world divides into three.

Even physics repeats the doctrine. Energy, mass, and light are the functions in modern guise: mass as the fertile depth, energy as the mediating force, light as the sovereign principle of intelligibility. The atom itself discloses proton, electron, neutron, positive, negative, mediating. In the twentieth century, German thinkers such as Philipp Lenard and Johannes Stark sought in their “Deutsche Physik” to free science from abstraction and restore it to this primordial order. Against relativity’s dissolution of form into shifting frames, they affirmed the hierarchy of mass, force, and light as the true architecture of Being.

Thus the world itself is a triptych. One panel is the fertile depth, the dark ground of life and dissolution. Another is the dynamic mediator, the force of struggle and motion. The third is the radiant sovereign, the source of light and measure. These are not human inventions but the very scaffolding of reality. It is not man who imposes order upon nature, but nature that imposes order upon man. Indo-European thought is set apart from all others by this recognition. The human estate, the human soul, the human body all mirror the greater world. For this reason, the law of three is not sociology, not psychology, but metaphysics.Image
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Aug 15
1/ The crisis of Western civilization is two-fold: a crisis of nationalism and of manhood.

Those who would dissolve the nations of Europe know this truth instinctively, which is why they condemn both masculinity and nationalism as threats to be broken.

The bond between them is forged in nature itself. Nationalism is the love of one’s own, the unyielding loyalty to blood and kin over the claims of the stranger, and the readiness to defend them with word and with steel. It is the instinct to stand with one’s people when the line is drawn. And when the hour comes to fight for the tribe, it is men who must step forward, for that duty has always been theirs.

Men fight because the defense of their own is an extension of themselves. Nature has fitted them for this role, granting the strength, endurance, and aggression necessary for combat, while women bear the far greater burden of sustaining life itself. A people can endure the loss of many men, but the loss of its women imperils its very future.

For this reason, it has always been the task of men to stand between danger and those they protect. Without this instinct, nations perish; with it, they endure against every enemy. And when that instinct is erased, the end follows swiftly.
2/ The enemies of mankind know this law: to destroy a nation, they must first destroy its men.

Masculinity is branded as toxic, courage as aggression, pride as vanity, and loyalty as a dangerous relic of less “enlightened” times.

The very nature of manhood is blurred by the exaltation of sexual confusion, by a culture that prizes androgyny and feminization, that traps society in the stifling confines of the literal longhouse, and wipes away all distinct gender roles.

Boys are medicated and “educated” into passivity, their natural spiritedness pathologized. Men are told their strength is oppressive, their leadership unwelcome and branded misogynistic, their natural instincts suspect. A people that accepts such terms will surrender before the battle has even begun, and that is the purpose of the campaign.

The ancients named the force that animates defense and loyalty. In “The Republic,” Plato described the tripartite soul: reason, which seeks truth and understanding; desire, which seeks survival and satisfaction, the base forms of life; and thumos, the spirited element that resides in the chest, which seeks honor and the defense of what is one’s own. Thumos is the inner fire that rises against insult, refuses humiliation, and demands that loyalty be repaid in kind.

Every man is ruled by one of these parts. Where reason governs, he orders both spirit and appetite toward higher ends, seeking wisdom and justice. Where thumos governs, he becomes a man of action, loyal, passionate, and willing to hazard himself for pride or principle. Where desire governs, he becomes a man of appetite, a bourgeois man, concerned only with comfort, wealth, safety, and all things material, biological, and immediate, and easily cowed when those are threatened.

The same law applies to the city and the nation. A people ruled by reason will produce statesmen, philosophers, and judges. A people ruled by thumos will produce warriors, heroes, and defenders of the common honor. A people ruled by desire will produce merchants and clients, a commercial order that fears hardship more than dishonor.

The highest order is found where reason and thumos are joined, each guiding and strengthening the other, lifting a people above the baseness of mere desire toward the pursuit of what is noble and lasting.

The fate of every political order depends on which part of the soul it cultivates in its citizens.

Our ancestors understood this, which is why the old training of youth, whether in the Spartan agoge, the Roman mos maiorum, or the medieval code of chivalry, sought to elevate spirit and discipline appetite. Where that training is lost, men decay into consumers, and nations into markets. In such a state, collapse is not a possibility but an inevitability.Image
3/ The old European order placed honor above life. Its aristocracies were governed by codes in which thumos and reason reigned over desire. Modern liberalism sought to reverse this order. Reason was reduced to a servant of appetite, stripped of its legislative power. Thumos was recast as vanity, arrogance, or dangerous aggression. Desire was enthroned as the rightful ruler of man and state alike. As Aristotle warned, “Those who are ruled by appetite are slaves,” for without mastery of desire, neither man nor polity can be free.

The product of this transformation is the bourgeois type: prudent, industrious, and tame. He speaks warmly of freedom, yet will not hazard his position to defend it. He will trade his heritage for cheaper goods or greater comfort. In the eyes of the older codes, he is not a free man but a subject.

This type is the foundation upon which the present order rests. Demographic replacement and cultural dissolution require a population ruled by desire, unwilling to risk security for the sake of the nation. When masculine vigor survives, it is diverted into safe spectacles, sport, commerce, the pursuit of personal status, where it can threaten nothing.

C. S. Lewis described the result as “men without chests.” The chest is the seat of thumos, where the spirited faculty unites reason’s guidance with the energy of appetite. Without it, there is no defense of principle, no will to fight, no readiness to place loyalty above life.

To restore the European fighting spirit is to restore this missing element. Nationalism without the masculine readiness to defend is sentiment without force.

A nation’s survival depends on men ruled not by appetite but by spirit and reason, men who will stand for their own against every foe, for whom honor outweighs life, and for whom defeat is worse than death.

Such men do not yield. Such men prevail, and from their endurance and defiance, victory is born.

REMEMBER WHO YOU ARE!Image
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Aug 14
1/ “A decline in courage may be the most striking feature which an outside observer notices in the West in our days.”

— Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

The twentieth century drove the peoples of Europe and their kindred across the ocean to the edge of civilizational ruin. Two world wars, revolutions, and ideological convulsions shattered empires and disfigured the moral order that had sustained the West for centuries. By mid-century, an alien creed, conceived in the fevered minds of émigré revolutionaries, had seized half of Europe and cast much of the White world beneath the shadow of the gulag and the mass grave.

From this maelstrom emerged Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, soldier of the Red Army, inmate of the Soviet prison archipelago, and unflinching witness to the system’s crimes. His life traced the arc of his nation’s ordeal, from youthful service to disillusionment, from imprisonment to moral defiance, and finally into exile. By the 1970s, he had become the foremost voice of those who had endured the full weight of Communism, carrying that testimony into the heart of the West. In a sequence of speeches later gathered as Warning to the West, he spoke not as a partisan of Cold War maneuvering but as a moral witness to truths that transcended borders and decades.

To audiences still secure in their homelands, he spoke of dangers they could scarcely imagine. The West of his day remained composed of coherent nations, with a commanding White majority and a cultural confidence formed by centuries of civilizational achievement. Yet he perceived, even then, the same sickness that had once felled Russia taking root in the free world: a loss of will, a retreat from truth, and a readiness to appease the very forces that sought its undoing.

The empire he denounced has collapsed, yet the malady he diagnosed endures, its banner merely changed. Where class once served as the revolutionary rallying cry, race now fills that role. The objective remains the same: to dissolve the particular inheritance of the West, to estrange its peoples from their own past, and to reduce them to a formless, compliant mass.Image
2/ Among the recurring themes in Solzhenitsyn’s speeches was his contempt for those who sought to purchase peace with the currency of concession. In the 1970s, this meant Western statesmen who posed as guardians of liberty while clasping hands with the very power that sought its destruction. They signed treaties whose terms the Soviet Union ignored before the ink had dried. They dispatched aid to a regime that repaid generosity with contempt, just as earlier relief efforts during Russia’s famine years had been recast by Soviet propaganda as acts of foreign espionage. Such leaders, Solzhenitsyn observed, mistook vanity for statesmanship, polishing their prestige at home while granting material advantage to their enemies abroad.

The lesson was clear: revolutionary regimes respect only firmness and hold in contempt those who yield. This truth has not altered in the decades since. Today the enemy no longer wears the red star, yet the pattern remains. The official, mainstream Right in the West, entrusted by its supporters to resist the radicalism of the Left, instead accepts the ideological premises of its opponents. It proclaims devotion to “equality” and “diversity,” surrenders moral ground on immigration and identity, and condemns White racial consciousness while defending or celebrating every other form of ethnocentrism. It opposes border walls at home yet votes to protect the frontiers of distant states. It speaks reverently of Martin Luther King and affirms the political myths that erode its own foundation.

In doing so, it signals not magnanimity but surrender. Like the negotiators of détente, it mistakes capitulation for diplomacy. Its leaders imagine that by showing goodwill toward those who seek their ruin, they will earn restraint in return. Yet the Left offers no such reciprocity. It does not purge its most radical voices. It does not temper the stream of anti-White invective that flows from its media organs. It does not respect the limits its opponents impose on themselves. It exploits every retreat as proof of weakness and as an invitation to press further.

Solzhenitsyn recalled Lenin’s grim jest that the bourgeoisie would sell the rope for its own hanging. The observation remains apt. In our time, the rope is woven from resolutions condemning “extremism,” from legislative bargains that weaken national sovereignty, and from the moral vocabulary of our adversaries repeated faithfully by those who call themselves conservative. It is sold cheaply, in great quantity, and the buyer has not changed.Image
3/ If appeasement was the fatal habit of Western statesmen, complacency was the vice of their peoples. Solzhenitsyn saw it in audiences who listened politely to his warnings, then returned unchanged to their routines. He likened this indifference to a blindness of the will, an incapacity to take danger seriously until it was already upon them. Peoples who imagine themselves secure will often dismiss the testimony of those who have endured what they have not, even when that testimony is offered in the hope of sparing them the same fate.

The West of the 1970s still enjoyed the fruits of its civilizational ascendancy: intact homelands, stable currencies, and a demographic composition that remained overwhelmingly White. Yet even then, Solzhenitsyn warned of an erosion of spirit, a loss of the resolve that had built and defended that world. From bitter experience, he knew that once such resolve is lost, catastrophe follows. In his own country, millions of peasants, industrious, pious, and bound by centuries of tradition, were destroyed in the name of an ideology. In Ukraine, the terror famine known as the Holodomor of 1932–33 was engineered to break a people’s will, costing millions of lives. Such events were not accidents but acts of deliberate policy, carried out with the full knowledge that the destruction of a population’s strength is the precondition for remaking it in the image of its conquerors.

The same principle operates today, though by more gradual means. White populations in the West, lulled by prosperity, are told that their dispossession is a moral duty. They are shamed for the achievements of their ancestors, urged to celebrate the settlement of their lands by alien peoples, and taught to regard their own continuity as a problem to be solved. The instruments of this policy are not famine and firing squads, but migration quotas, anti-discrimination laws, and a relentless tide of propaganda. Its consequence is the steady erosion of identity and the progressive dissolution of the capacity to resist replacement.

The Left understands the power of memory and wields it with calculation. It recites its own catalogue of suffering, embellished or invented as needed, until it hardens into an article of faith in the minds of its adherents. Whites, by contrast, have allowed their own record of suffering to be erased. They no longer recall that tens of millions of their kin perished under Communism, nor do they recognize the ideological heirs of that system when its banners are raised in Western streets. As Solzhenitsyn warned, a people that ceases to remember has already surrendered both its history and its soul. Such a people will accept degradation in any form, so long as it advances by slow degrees.Image
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