Thomas Keith Profile picture
Aug 27 11 tweets 4 min read Read on X
The leaked emails reveal Jeffrey Epstein operating as a covert vector inside Israel’s defense-intelligence-commercial complex, embedding Israeli-origin surveillance capabilities into U.S. domestic infrastructure while concealing his financial footprint behind Ehud Barak’s political and military stature.
Between 2013 and 2019, Epstein partnered with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak to finance Reporty Homeland Security, later rebranded as Carbyne, a 911-overhaul and geolocation surveillance platform co-founded by Pinchas Buchris, former director of Unit 8200, Israel’s signals intelligence agency and one of the world’s most advanced incubators for dual-use cyber and interception technologies.

The emails show Epstein deliberately structuring the deal so that Barak fronted the investment while Epstein remained hidden, insulating Israeli interests from early regulatory scrutiny and avoiding visibility of Epstein’s deeper operational role.
Carbyne served as the primary penetration node. Marketed as an emergency-response optimization platform, Carbyne functions as a geospatial interception layer: it captures high-resolution location data, environmental feeds, caller metadata, and behavioral indicators, effectively transforming 911 infrastructure into a continuous data-harvesting grid.

Through Barak, Epstein gained access to Peter Thiel, embedding himself into Thiel’s venture ecosystem, including Palantir, a predictive policing and counterterrorism contractor deeply integrated into U.S. federal and municipal surveillance architecture. Emails reveal Epstein orchestrating private dinners and first-meetings between Barak, Thiel, and select third parties under the cover of “geopolitical” conversations.

By 2018, Founders Fund, co-founded by Thiel, had directly invested in Carbyne, giving Israeli-built geospatial interception technology privileged entry into U.S. municipal emergency-response systems. Epstein’s role was both financial and architectural: he enabled the embedding of Israeli military-grade surveillance tech into American civilian governance frameworks under the camouflage of Silicon Valley capital and civic utility.
Epstein’s integration strategy extended beyond Carbyne. He and Barak targeted Levitection Technologies, an electromagnetic imaging startup staffed by veterans from Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, the Israeli weapons manufacturer behind Iron Dome and other missile interception systems.

Levitection specialized in miniaturized radar systems and AI-driven concealed-threat detection, technologies typically restricted under military export controls. Epstein replicated the same structural concealment he used for Carbyne, routing funds quietly through Barak and fronting investments as civilian innovations.

By 2020, Levitection had secured a U.S. Department of Homeland Security contract worth $1.5 million to integrate electromagnetic imaging and AI-based crowd scanning into American threat-detection pipelines.

Although Levitection ceased operations in 2022, its intellectual assets migrated into Scanary, a startup led by the same Rafael-affiliated engineers, continuing Israeli-origin penetration into U.S. security infrastructure.
At the same time, Epstein positioned himself as a discreet broker within Russian elite networks, using Barak as a bridge to Sergey Belyakov, a former Deputy Minister of Economic Development, and Viktor Vekselberg, a Putin-aligned oligarch financing Fifth Dimension, an AI-driven intelligence platform pitched as a real-time fusion engine for converting mass data streams into actionable surveillance.

Epstein advised Belyakov on navigating U.S. sanctions regimes, presenting himself as an “apolitical strategist” offering insights into global currency flows, zero-interest financial models, and bypass mechanisms. By embedding himself at this junction, Epstein harvested telemetry on Russian AI-surveillance capabilities while amplifying Israeli leverage over competing intelligence ecosystems.
Throughout this period, Epstein’s correspondence with Barak reflects a sustained interest in Israeli-origin military technologies and dual-use exports. He circulated articles on cyber warfare, emergency preparedness, nanotechnologies, and Unit 8200’s operational doctrine while actively facilitating investments tied to Israeli R&D pipelines.

In each case, Carbyne, Levitection, and other exploratory ventures, the same structural pattern emerged: Israeli defense-grade capabilities were spun out under civilian startups, Epstein financed their Western entry points through Barak’s front-facing legitimacy, and Silicon Valley venture capital networks, particularly Thiel-linked funds, provided the distribution scaffolding into U.S. markets and governance systems.
This strategy aligns precisely with Israel’s long-standing dual-use privatization doctrine, which treats militarized R&D as exportable assets disguised as commercial innovations. Unit 8200, Rafael, and Elbit Systems regularly spin off companies that enter foreign markets as “civilian technologies” to circumvent export restrictions and foreign policy sensitivities.

Former Israeli officials like Barak and Buchris act as legitimizing faces, while external financiers like Epstein handle concealed capital flows. In the U.S., Epstein exploited his immunity within elite social circles to gain access to figures like Peter Thiel and Palantir executives, embedding Israeli-origin capabilities beneath the veneer of Silicon Valley innovation and American venture financing.

By entering through “civil” emergency-response channels rather than sovereign procurement pipelines, these technologies bypassed congressional oversight, ITAR export controls, and direct State Department visibility, making Israeli-origin surveillance tools indistinguishable from domestic infrastructure.
Carbyne sits at the center of this architecture. Under the guise of emergency optimization, it functions as a passive interception layer, harvesting data streams far beyond its marketed purpose while embedding deeply within U.S. municipal and state systems.

Epstein funded it, Barak legitimized it, Buchris operationalized it, and Thiel-backed funds scaled it into the United States. In parallel, Levitection extended Israeli electromagnetic imaging and AI-based scanning capabilities into U.S. Homeland Security pilot programs, while Epstein’s ties to Fifth Dimension and Vekselberg provided visibility into Russian competing frameworks.
Epstein’s role was neither incidental nor opportunistic. He operated as a private placement node for Israeli strategic depth: a discreet, deniable broker who funneled capital, social access, and intelligence between Unit 8200 alumni networks, Silicon Valley surveillance platforms, Russian oligarchs, and U.S. federal-security infrastructure.

His function was to stitch Israeli-origin interception capabilities into Western civilian systems without exposing Israeli state fingerprints.

Through Epstein, Israeli technologies infiltrated U.S. 911 grids, predictive policing systems, and Homeland Security pilots under privatized cover, ensuring persistent Israeli visibility over American civilian metadata, behavioral analytics, and emergency-response environments, all without formal sovereign agreements.
The leaked emails position Epstein less as a rogue financier and more as an embedded facilitator of Israeli deep-penetration programs.

By combining Barak’s defense credentials, Buchris’ Unit 8200 infrastructure, and Thiel’s Silicon Valley capital networks, Epstein enabled Israel to bypass regulatory barriers and entrench its dual-use technologies across U.S. domestic surveillance architecture.

The effect is systemic: Israeli-origin interception platforms now function as middleware inside American civilian and security frameworks, invisible beneath layers of privatization and venture-backed scaling.
Matthew Petti’s (@matthew_petti) report for Reason is a solid entry point into the leaks:
reason.com/2025/08/27/ins…

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More from @iwasnevrhere_

Aug 27
The demand to strip anonymity in order to be “taken seriously” functions less as a sign of naïveté than as an extraction protocol.

It mirrors the operational logic of intelligence agencies, corporate HR departments, and counter-insurgency units: compel self-identification, then collapse the target through pressure points that only become accessible once the life behind the voice is mapped.

The rhetoric of “human connection” serves as a soft-power veneer for what is, in effect, a de-masking campaign.
In the modern network battlespace, a face and name are not neutral markers, they are coordinates. Once located, the vectors open: metadata cross-matching, financial tracing, social-graph analysis, breach-sourced PII correlation.

A speaker ceases to be just a voice and becomes a dossier. And dossiers are actionable. That is the stage when reputational kill-ops are seeded into employers’ inboxes, when border crossings trigger secondary inspection, when bank compliance departments suddenly “review” account activity.
The belief that anonymity erodes credibility often comes from actors who have never been high-value targets in an adversarial system.

Those who have know exactly what follows: intelligence fusion cells pulling decade-old posts to poison clearance reviews; contractors scraping relatives’ social media to build threat maps; foreign or domestic services inserting kompromat to fracture personal networks.

What passes for integrity in disclosure is, in practice, the surrender of operational sovereignty.
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Aug 23
From the moment Hamas military intelligence drafted its July 26, 2023 situation assessment, the outlines of October 7 were already taking shape. The document advised Yahya Sinwar to avoid any immediate escalation and instead wait for Israel’s internal political crisis to deepen. Image
At the time, Netanyahu’s judicial overhaul had triggered the largest protest movement in Israeli history, with tens of thousands in the streets weekly and elite reservists, including Air Force pilots, cyber operators, and special forces veterans, openly threatening to refuse service.

The memo assessed that these fractures were undermining IDF readiness and cohesion, and that a delay in action would allow those cracks to widen to the point of operational opportunity.
The paper also recommended intensifying psychological and information warfare aimed at amplifying the mistrust between the political leadership, the IDF command, and the general public.

Hamas was advised to circulate narratives, especially in social media spaces and Arab-language press, portraying the IDF as paralyzed, internally divided, and unable to mount an effective first strike.

This aligned with a pre–October 7 campaign in which Hamas-linked accounts amplified stories of IDF dysfunction and public disillusionment, sowing doubt in both the civilian and military spheres.
Read 5 tweets
Aug 23
Flashback, 2000-2001:

Before 9/11, DEA and FBI offices across the U.S. were reporting the same anomaly, young Israelis with military intelligence backgrounds appearing at secure facilities and agents’ homes, posing as “art students” with cheap canvases.

The DEA’s Office of Security Programs compiled it all into a classified 60-page memo: over 120 operatives, 30+ cities, coordinated reconnaissance. Then the case vanished.

Here’s the timeline they buried 🧵Image
The DEA began receiving field reports in January 2001 about young Israelis “attempting to penetrate” DEA offices, with similar appearances at agents’ homes.

The memo notes the pattern had been occurring since at least early 2000, spiked in November–December 2000, and, while raw incident counts dipped after April 2001, the geographic spread widened to places like Wisconsin, Oklahoma, and Los Angeles.

Florida carried the heaviest concentration. The behaviors that triggered internal alarms were attempts to circumvent access control at DEA facilities and door-to-door approaches at DEA employees’ residences.
The report describes standardized team tradecraft. Groups typically moved in 8–10s under a designated “team leader,” with members dropped off to canvass while the leader circled back for pickup.

Most were early- to mid-20s, many admitted recent Israeli military service, and a majority of those questioned said they served in military intelligence, electronic signal intercept, or explosive ordnance units; some were tied to senior IDF figures (including the son of a two-star general, a former bodyguard to the army chief, and a Patriot missile operator).

Their cover stories were conspicuously consistent, “art students” from Jerusalem schools, yet they dodged basic questions about studios or training; multiple offices learned the paintings were mass-produced in China.
Read 10 tweets
Aug 23
Why Washington Wants Maduro Out

The U.S. campaign to break Venezuela isn’t about “restoring democracy.” It’s about shutting down a sovereign state that can disrupt oil flows, bypass the dollar, and host adversaries three hours from Miami.
Gulf Coast refineries are tuned to heavy sour crude, Venezuela’s specialty. After Trump revoked Chevron’s waiver in February 2025, Treasury granted a restricted license on July 30, following a July 24 Reuters report that authorizations were imminent.

The license bars proceeds from reaching the Maduro government. U.S. imports resumed on August 21 under those constraints. A sovereign Caracas that can meter Orinoco flows still wields a price lever, sanctions mute it, but don’t erase it.
Caracas has already tested non-dollar lifelines, oil-for-fuel swaps, yuan- and euro-denominated settlement, and off-ramps through third countries. In 2025, Venezuela has kept lobbying for BRICS+ association after Brazil’s 2024 veto.

If a sanctioned mid-tier petrostate can keep selling without the dollar, the sanctions machine loses aura. Breaking Maduro is message traffic to the rest of OPEC+ and BRICS-adjacent capitals: settle outside our rails and we will bankrupt your state or replace your cabinet.
Read 11 tweets
Aug 20
Missiles Running Out: The U.S. Struggles to Replenish Stockpiles Depleted by Aid to Israel, The Pentagon is requesting $3.5 billion in “emergency funding” to purchase interceptors used by the U.S. military to defend Israel during its war with Iran.

Officials in Washington warn: the commitment to this ally is harming U.S. readiness, and “this cannot continue.”Image
Budget documents prepared through mid-May show the funds are split between weapons replenishment and support tasks like radar upkeep, ship refurbishment, and munitions transport. Almost every U.S.-specific line item is tagged as an “emergency budget request.”
The requests draw on the 2024 Israeli Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, a $14 billion package partly earmarked to rebuild U.S. inventories and buy more Israeli missile interceptors. The Pentagon’s own filings state the spending is necessary to offset costs to U.S. Central Command from operations “executed at the request of or in coordination with Israel for the defense of Israeli territory, personnel, or assets” during attacks by Iran or its proxies.
Read 9 tweets
Aug 18
And the rabbit hole goes deeper. Beyond trafficking women and laborers, we find the story of Brazil’s Baby Farm, a child trafficking ring with direct Israeli involvement.

🧵 Brazil, 1986: The Baby Trafficking Scandal Image
In June 1986, 50 Brazilian federal agents raided homes, nurseries, and a maternity hospital in Santa Catarina. They recovered 20 infants, some only days old.

The mastermind was lawyer Carlos Cesario Pereira, who ran a trafficking pipeline exporting babies abroad.
Pereira admitted to arranging 150 adoptions, charging $5,000 per child (ten times the legal rate). His clients were overwhelmingly Israeli couples, funneled to him through word-of-mouth networks.

At the time, police detained 22 Israelis in the sting operation.
Read 10 tweets

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