Thomas Keith Profile picture
Aug 29 4 tweets 2 min read Read on X
The recent airspace closure and announced trade cutoff over Gaza are part of a choreography, signaling to the domestic base, the wider Muslim world, and partners in Asia and the Gulf that Türkiye can confront Israeli policy when it chooses.

But maritime trackers show the economic umbilical cord hasn’t been cut. Turkish-owned vessels like the KAAN DEVAL and KAPTAN ERDOGAN have continued to sail toward Haifa, sometimes under vague “ORDER” AIS destinations or indirect routing.

This fits a long-standing pattern: when Ankara limits direct channels, exports are re-routed through intermediaries or mislabeled as bound for the Palestinian Authority, allowing commerce to continue while Erdoğan claims the political capital of confrontation.
For Erdoğan, this duality is pragmatic. Publicly challenging Israel boosts his credibility on the Arab street and strengthens his bargaining position with Washington and Brussels. Quietly maintaining selective economic ties preserves revenue streams, industrial contracts, and leverage over Israeli policy. Israel, for its part, benefits from these flows blunting the material impact of Turkish hostility.
The result is an adversarial optics–transactional reality model: Ankara and Tel Aviv may clash rhetorically and even diplomatically, but neither is willing to fully sever profitable and strategically useful ties. The ships at sea tell the story, beneath the rhetoric, the relationship remains one of calculated interdependence.
Around 30–40% of Israel’s crude oil comes through the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, terminating at Türkiye’s Ceyhan port. Under binding international agreements, Ankara must allow uninterrupted flow, earning roughly $1.27 per barrel in transit fees. This creates a dual-track reality: Türkiye can close airspace, cut visible trade, and host Hamas leaders for political theatre, while still profiting from energy flows that underpin Israel’s war economy.

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More from @iwasnevrhere_

Aug 30
Following the assassination of Yemeni Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb al-Rahawi and several Yemeni ministers in a zionist strike, several factions issued statements of condolence and condemnation.

Across the board, the factions offered their deepest condolences to the Yemeni people, the government, and the leadership of Ansarallah.
🟢 Hamas emphasized the blending of Palestinian and Yemeni blood in the ongoing battle of Al-Aqsa Flood. The movement stated that these "pure and dear bloods that were shed on the brotherly land of Yemen... mix today with the blood of the convoys of our Palestinian people," which serves to "affirm the unity of our nation and the centrality of our cause."

Hamas framed the assassination as an act of "zionist arrogance against all international norms and laws" that underscores the danger the entity poses to the entire region.
⚫️ The Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine described the martyrdom as a "badge of honor, pride, and dignity for the leaders of Yemen and its brave heroes."

The statement stressed that this event "confirms the unity of blood between the Palestinian and Yemeni peoples" in their shared confrontation with the "criminal zionist entity, the enemy of the nation and of humanity." PIJ expressed total confidence that Yemen will continue to defend the nation's dignity and "punish the usurping entity for its brutal crimes."
Read 6 tweets
Aug 30
The 2003 meeting between Mossad and the MEK (“Hypocrites”) stripped away any illusions about how Israel wages war on Hezbollah. It’s not just bunkers and missile depots in their sights, it’s the social and economic arteries that keep the movement fused to Lebanon’s population.
In that meeting, Mossad specifically requested intelligence on Hezbollah’s Qard al-Hasan Fund, a grassroots financial institution that provides interest-free loans to low-income Lebanese, especially women.

These aren’t speculative investments; they are survival lines, microloans to keep households afloat, restart small businesses, cover school fees, or pay off predatory debt.

The fund operates across sectarian lines, weaving Hezbollah into the civic fabric not as a temporary benefactor but as a permanent pillar of stability.
For Tel Aviv and Washington, this is the real center of gravity. Qard al-Hasan isn’t a front company for arms deals; it’s the civilian spine of Hezbollah’s support system. Targeting it is hybrid warfare in its purest form: starve the civilian base, fracture the trust economy, and hope the military wing withers without it.
Read 5 tweets
Aug 27
The leaked emails reveal Jeffrey Epstein operating as a covert vector inside Israel’s defense-intelligence-commercial complex, embedding Israeli-origin surveillance capabilities into U.S. domestic infrastructure while concealing his financial footprint behind Ehud Barak’s political and military stature.
Between 2013 and 2019, Epstein partnered with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak to finance Reporty Homeland Security, later rebranded as Carbyne, a 911-overhaul and geolocation surveillance platform co-founded by Pinchas Buchris, former director of Unit 8200, Israel’s signals intelligence agency and one of the world’s most advanced incubators for dual-use cyber and interception technologies.

The emails show Epstein deliberately structuring the deal so that Barak fronted the investment while Epstein remained hidden, insulating Israeli interests from early regulatory scrutiny and avoiding visibility of Epstein’s deeper operational role.
Carbyne served as the primary penetration node. Marketed as an emergency-response optimization platform, Carbyne functions as a geospatial interception layer: it captures high-resolution location data, environmental feeds, caller metadata, and behavioral indicators, effectively transforming 911 infrastructure into a continuous data-harvesting grid.

Through Barak, Epstein gained access to Peter Thiel, embedding himself into Thiel’s venture ecosystem, including Palantir, a predictive policing and counterterrorism contractor deeply integrated into U.S. federal and municipal surveillance architecture. Emails reveal Epstein orchestrating private dinners and first-meetings between Barak, Thiel, and select third parties under the cover of “geopolitical” conversations.

By 2018, Founders Fund, co-founded by Thiel, had directly invested in Carbyne, giving Israeli-built geospatial interception technology privileged entry into U.S. municipal emergency-response systems. Epstein’s role was both financial and architectural: he enabled the embedding of Israeli military-grade surveillance tech into American civilian governance frameworks under the camouflage of Silicon Valley capital and civic utility.
Read 11 tweets
Aug 27
The demand to strip anonymity in order to be “taken seriously” functions less as a sign of naïveté than as an extraction protocol.

It mirrors the operational logic of intelligence agencies, corporate HR departments, and counter-insurgency units: compel self-identification, then collapse the target through pressure points that only become accessible once the life behind the voice is mapped.

The rhetoric of “human connection” serves as a soft-power veneer for what is, in effect, a de-masking campaign.
In the modern network battlespace, a face and name are not neutral markers, they are coordinates. Once located, the vectors open: metadata cross-matching, financial tracing, social-graph analysis, breach-sourced PII correlation.

A speaker ceases to be just a voice and becomes a dossier. And dossiers are actionable. That is the stage when reputational kill-ops are seeded into employers’ inboxes, when border crossings trigger secondary inspection, when bank compliance departments suddenly “review” account activity.
The belief that anonymity erodes credibility often comes from actors who have never been high-value targets in an adversarial system.

Those who have know exactly what follows: intelligence fusion cells pulling decade-old posts to poison clearance reviews; contractors scraping relatives’ social media to build threat maps; foreign or domestic services inserting kompromat to fracture personal networks.

What passes for integrity in disclosure is, in practice, the surrender of operational sovereignty.
Read 5 tweets
Aug 23
From the moment Hamas military intelligence drafted its July 26, 2023 situation assessment, the outlines of October 7 were already taking shape. The document advised Yahya Sinwar to avoid any immediate escalation and instead wait for Israel’s internal political crisis to deepen. Image
At the time, Netanyahu’s judicial overhaul had triggered the largest protest movement in Israeli history, with tens of thousands in the streets weekly and elite reservists, including Air Force pilots, cyber operators, and special forces veterans, openly threatening to refuse service.

The memo assessed that these fractures were undermining IDF readiness and cohesion, and that a delay in action would allow those cracks to widen to the point of operational opportunity.
The paper also recommended intensifying psychological and information warfare aimed at amplifying the mistrust between the political leadership, the IDF command, and the general public.

Hamas was advised to circulate narratives, especially in social media spaces and Arab-language press, portraying the IDF as paralyzed, internally divided, and unable to mount an effective first strike.

This aligned with a pre–October 7 campaign in which Hamas-linked accounts amplified stories of IDF dysfunction and public disillusionment, sowing doubt in both the civilian and military spheres.
Read 5 tweets
Aug 23
Flashback, 2000-2001:

Before 9/11, DEA and FBI offices across the U.S. were reporting the same anomaly, young Israelis with military intelligence backgrounds appearing at secure facilities and agents’ homes, posing as “art students” with cheap canvases.

The DEA’s Office of Security Programs compiled it all into a classified 60-page memo: over 120 operatives, 30+ cities, coordinated reconnaissance. Then the case vanished.

Here’s the timeline they buried 🧵Image
The DEA began receiving field reports in January 2001 about young Israelis “attempting to penetrate” DEA offices, with similar appearances at agents’ homes.

The memo notes the pattern had been occurring since at least early 2000, spiked in November–December 2000, and, while raw incident counts dipped after April 2001, the geographic spread widened to places like Wisconsin, Oklahoma, and Los Angeles.

Florida carried the heaviest concentration. The behaviors that triggered internal alarms were attempts to circumvent access control at DEA facilities and door-to-door approaches at DEA employees’ residences.
The report describes standardized team tradecraft. Groups typically moved in 8–10s under a designated “team leader,” with members dropped off to canvass while the leader circled back for pickup.

Most were early- to mid-20s, many admitted recent Israeli military service, and a majority of those questioned said they served in military intelligence, electronic signal intercept, or explosive ordnance units; some were tied to senior IDF figures (including the son of a two-star general, a former bodyguard to the army chief, and a Patriot missile operator).

Their cover stories were conspicuously consistent, “art students” from Jerusalem schools, yet they dodged basic questions about studios or training; multiple offices learned the paintings were mass-produced in China.
Read 10 tweets

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