Gabrielius Landsbergis🇱🇹 Profile picture
Sep 14 8 tweets 7 min read Read on X
1/8🧵
Our leaders’ white lies were designed to keep us thinking everything is OK. Now, as things are clearly not OK, it’s time to tell Europeans the truth and prepare them to face reality.

White lies won’t last forever – but telling the truth could save Europe.

My latest article explains how and why it’s time for governments to try using more honesty in strategic communication, and to find the bravery to admit we’re in serious trouble.

Full article in the thread below…Image
2/8🧵
Politicians might fool their own people with white lies, but I am not so sure of their ability to fool Putin.
Full article:

Or continue reading the thread…landsbergis.com/white-lies-won…
3/8🧵
Sometimes I hear complaints that Putin will discover our weaknesses if our leaders are too truthful in their public communications. “We need to portray strength,” they say, “Putin is reading our newspapers”.

Their argument implies that the truth must be sacrificed for “stronger” strategic communication. Leaders are advised to ignore the reality on the ground to continue exaggerating our capabilities and readiness in the hope that our visible optimism will convince Putin that we are strong. This plan not only aims to fool Putin, but also recommends using governments’ strategic messaging to keep populations believing everything that could possibly be done is being done, and going well.

On the contrary, I have always believed that truth is the best medicine. But sometimes I am criticised for not playing along, for refusing to strategically tell today’s white lies. So I decided to critique my instincts and give this important question some thought.

Obviously, I agree that Putin and Europeans read the European press and follow the debate that is taking place. I can even agree that it is possible to use strategic communication to fool a large number of your people into thinking that you have things under control. We have seen that working for many years. But I am not so sure about our propaganda’s ability to fool Putin. I know only this – taking an adversary for a fool is a fool's endeavour, so we are probably only fooling ourselves.
4/8🧵
Europe’s weakness is an open secret. Even a blind frog that lived under a rock for the last decade might still be able to figure this out if he saw a few tweets, so we can assume Putin is seeing through our attempts to distort reality.

Politically the EU is anaemic - our consensus-based institutional framework has been a major obstacle to effectiveness in these current times of confrontation. Even without Hungary and Slovakia’s veto, this framework could still slow down progress in Europe. It is almost certain that the divergent interests of all the different member states would inevitably water down the final draft even if every country agreed on the main parameters of an agreement.

Surveys show that a large part of the population of Europe expects governments to deal with the geopolitical issue that is Russia. Some see it as a moral issue – Europe must support the victim of aggression because it is the right thing to do. Those living closer to the war demand more action because they feel personally threatened by Russia. Either way – the genuinely-held and evidence-based beliefs of these millions of people are impossible for politicians to entirely ignore.

But even if it was universally accepted that Russia is a threat, or at least a problem, this can still be shrugged off as a “tomorrow” thing. Or in two weeks. Or in fifty days. Kicking the can down the road is a viable strategy if paired with strong statements and gestures in the right direction. Strong statements are much cheaper politically and financially than – for example – the return of universal conscription.
5/8🧵
Consider the messaging of the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban who, in his complete cynicism, had the audacity to say that he supports Ukraine’s sovereignty after several attempts at helping Putin destroy it. Elections are approaching in Hungary and there are people who find his pro-Putin stance appalling, so he is strategically communicating some lies to calm that part of his society down. The contrast between the tweet and reality is pretty stark.

The latest example – the Russian drone attack on Poland – portrays the difference between propaganda and reality quite well. The reality is this: Out of 19 drones, Poland and her allies were able to detect and shoot down only 4. The US President called the Russian incursion “probably an accident,” and the day after that he added that he is not going to defend anyone. Meanwhile, NATO called their reaction a great show of unity and strength.

Putin probably thinks the attack went quite well. 80 percent of his drones were left untouched and Trump’s commitment to Europe is weaker than ever. I hope that the situation will change, and I note that the Polish government announced some smart decisions – one of them being learning from Ukrainian experience in order to be better prepared for the next “accidental” incursion, which is very likely to happen soon.
6/8🧵
So. What is the responsible way for leaders to communicate all this to their people? If they continue to announce progress and success, their populations will be less and less informed as to the sort of threat Russia poses and what is being done to mitigate it. People swimming in the soup of strategic messaging hear that the situation is not ideal, but they also believe it is being managed, until… eventually the truth comes out and causes a great deal of confusion and discomfort.

A week ago, the Baltic States were “taken by surprise” when the US announced a further shift away from Europe. Even though months have passed since the US clearly declared that Europe can no longer depend on the US for its security, their actual withdrawal is somehow “shocking” to many Europeans. How? Because they were told that everything would be OK. Governments chose to placate their people with white lies, instead of preparing them for the unavoidable upcoming challenges.
7/8🧵
My last and most important observation is that shielding voters from the stress of geopolitical realities will never produce a real mandate for change when and where it is needed. One of the most often used arguments explaining the reluctance to spend more on defence is “our people do not support that”. I usually respond with this question: Have we really tried explaining the problem at hand? When governments had to tackle the COVID pandemic they didn’t give up and sigh “well, sadly our people will not support Europe borrowing 750 billion euros”. The problem was tangible and very well understood, the facts were communicated, a critical mass of people understood that if we don’t spend big – Europe as it is might very well collapse.

Hearing the facts, people mostly went along with the lockdowns, accepted border closures, and the rat race for medical equipment and vaccines was quickly financed. All it took was to tell the people of Europe: This is the plan for how we are going to fix this. And it was fixed, just like most people expected it to be. It was far from painless, but we got through it. The communication of facts saved us. White lies would have discredited governments and fuelled belief in the “alternative facts” that were being spread to weaken the fabric of society.

People today do not equate the threat of Russia’s aggression to COVID because they do not yet hear Shaheds flying over their heads. Nobody in Europe is getting killed or raped by gangs of Russian inmates let lose. Yet. But it is not an exaggeration to say that the Russian threat is existential to Europe. Even if only one European country is attacked and left undefended – who knows what would be left of good old institutions after that?

I was speaking at a conference recently where, at the end of the panel discussion, the moderator asked the audience if they believe that we are prepared to meet the Russian threat. Out of four hundred people – just a few hands were raised. When he asked who doesn’t believe that we are prepared – almost all hands went up. Someone remarked that we need much better strategic communication to convince those who do not believe we are prepared. I responded – those almost four hundred hands are a clear mandate for politicians – people are worried and demanding change. And the only thing left for you to do, Mr. Decisionmaker, is your job. Make the changes, not another strategic can-kicking statement.
8/8🧵
Some people say that the reality is so shocking that if told as it is, it might paralyse people, rendering them unable to act rather than mobilising them for action.

But when I review the official statements made over the last few years I become convinced that morale is not damaged by truth. Low morale is due to one of two things: either a feeling of impotence when governments claim there is nothing more that can be done, or from the realisation that leaders are putting more effort into thinking of white lies than they put into taking the necessary action, leaving us unable to trust them to protect us.

I am well aware of the huge disincentives to speak plainly to your electorate and your citizens, but I would like to remind decision-makers of the benefits. Reality can only be denied temporarily, so it pays to offer a real solution, as early as possible, however difficult.

Instead of declaring “power” and “unity” it would be more truthful to say:

“The situation is bad, we are not united, we wasted years ignoring important lessons, not helping Ukraine as much as we could. But, more importantly, WE CAN CHANGE. We have tackled and completed huge projects in the past, we have been successful, there is no fundamental reason why together we can’t help Ukraine defeat the invaders and secure Europe’s future.”

And then we could actually do that.

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More from @GLandsbergis

Jul 14
We still aren't helping Ukraine to win. Politicians announce their latest attempts to appear busy, but it feels scripted, closer to professional wrestling than reality. Failing in the real world, they construct a pseudo-world and act like the leaders of that. 🧵1/4
The latest announcements made the Russian stock market go up, not down. Putin is not fooled by headlines advertising the latest western nothingburger, but those headlines dominate our discourse and mask the fact that nothing of real consequence is being done.🧵2/4
We must focus our attention on deliveries, not announcements. I will believe the West is sending weapons to Ukraine when I read that Ukraine is sending those weapons towards Russia. That’s the only kind of headline worth waiting for. 🧵3/4
Read 4 tweets
Jun 10
🧵1/4
Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister recently stated that, in order to achieve peace, NATO must “withdraw” from the Baltic states. Many found this shocking—but the demand is not new.
As early as the 1990s, when it became clear that newly independent states from the former Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union might join NATO, the Alliance sought to assuage Russian concerns by signing the NATO-Russia Founding Act in 1997. The document aimed to mitigate Russian objections to NATO’s enlargement.
One of its key political commitments was that NATO would refrain from deploying “substantial” permanent combat forces in the territory of new member states. In return, the Act reaffirmed core international principles, including respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the UN Charter.
Russia has since repeatedly violated these very principles - most notably with its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
🧵2/4
Just prior to that invasion, Russia issued a list of demands to Ukraine and the West. Its central demand to NATO: a rollback to the Alliance’s 1997 borders - effectively requiring the withdrawal of NATO forces and infrastructure from all countries that joined after that year.
While NATO declared the Founding Act “dead” in political terms following the invasion, it never formally repudiated or denounced it. So de jure, the document still stands. And one could argue it remains de facto in force as well, since there are still no substantial (i.e., larger than brigade-level) permanent NATO deployments in Eastern Europe. U.S. forces in Poland remain on a rotational basis, and the forthcoming German brigade, even if permanently stationed in Lithuania, is still presented as a non-substantial force, within agreed limits.

Eastern flank members have repeatedly called for the Act to be formally declared null and void, arguing that it creates a two-tiered NATO in which where some countries are less defended than others. Their calls have met stiff resistance from certain allies, and the Act still remains.
🧵3/4
Why is the dead agreement not being binned? Maybe because some Western policymakers still believe that maintaining the optics of restraint might help by avoiding escalation. The extension of the de-escalation doctrine seems to be that if NATO avoids provoking Russia, Moscow might be persuaded to limit its aggression to Ukraine and refrain from challenging NATO directly.
But Russia’s actions—and its own public declarations—show this conflict is not just about Ukraine. It is a broader imperial project aimed at resurrecting Russia’s sphere of influence and undermining the West. Moscow has said this explicitly and repeatedly - yet the West still acts surprised. And whenever the West gives ground - Russia just takes it and asks for more, calling it "justified grievances". And it will just continue like that until Russia is stopped.
During the Cold War, NATO stationed 400,000 troops along the border with the Warsaw Pact. Such numbers were considered essential to credible deterrence. Today, we cannot expect to deter Russia effectively while self-imposing limitations - especially when Moscow imposes none on itself.
Read 4 tweets
Apr 3
I agree with @kajakallas that the EU should become a beacon of freedom. So when do we start?
Here I offer six ways to actually light the beacon and step into the role history has chosen for us. Our response to the current uncertainty can be firm and long term. A thread.🧵1/17 Image
Some Europeans still hope that Washington’s rhetoric is just noise, perhaps Trump and his team genuinely want to pressure allies into doing more, and once Europe proves itself, things will “go back to normal.”
But we shouldn't bet on that, and we don't have time to wait.🧵2/17
First: Get tough on internal disruptors.
Europe cannot act decisively if Hungary continues to hold the entire continent hostage. It’s time to invoke Article 7 against Hungary, suspend their veto and stop rewarding blackmail.🧵3/17
Read 18 tweets
Mar 25
The Truman Doctrine, based on helping free peoples to resist autocrats, was US policy from 1947 until 2025. Now the Trump Doctrine seems to say the opposite—that US national security will benefit from helping autocrats fight against free people.🧵1/6
👇article link in comments Image
Why would Trump change the rules so radically? One theory is that he believes that the world should be ruled by strongmen, specifically himself, Putin, and Xi. In this world Trump can use force instead of diplomacy, he can justify grabbing Canada, Greenland and Panama.🧵2/6
Another theory is that Trump is trying to woo Russia away from China. This would require huge changes in US policy and also a miracle to convince China to let Russia go. It would have been simpler to arm Ukraine and neutralise Russia instead of trying to make friends.🧵3/6
Read 7 tweets
Mar 22
It looks as if Europe has lost belief in itself, lost belief in its power, forgotten that we can actually change things, that we can actually win if we try, in Georgia, in Ukraine, in all the countries that were promised a path to accession to the EU.🧵1/6
In Tbilisi I met with the relatives of political prisoners and heard their shocking stories. Let that sink in. An EU accession country is holding political prisoners. Young people, not even 20 years old, have sentences of 7 to 10 years. How could we let this happen?🧵2/6
The USA is choosing to extinguish the beacon of peace they kept alight for so many years. And Europe is not doing anything yet to relight it, or even to inspire neighbours who are looking to us to keep it burning for them.🧵3/6
Read 6 tweets
Mar 15
The question of Ukraine joining NATO is when, not if. And that was agreed by ALL allies, during extensive discussions at the NATO Summits in Bucharest, Vilnius and Washington. I don’t recall members reconvening to ratify any backtracking since then.🧵1/5
Did @SecGenNATO, whose job it is to represent ALL allies, yesterday tacitly adopt Trump’s unilateral position without seeking the endorsement of other members? I hope not, because that is not how an alliance should work.🧵2/5
He missed the opportunity to do so during the interview, but will the Secretary General now clarify that NATO’s position on Ukraine’s path to membership has not changed? Or will he perhaps call a summit to discuss changing it?🧵3/5
Read 5 tweets

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