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Sep 15, 2025 • 9 tweets • 7 min read • Read on X
Charlie Kirk: Faith, Courage, and a Movement That Outlived Its Founder. A thread. đź§µ
1) Early life and family background

Charlie Kirk (1993–2025) was born in Arlington Heights, Illinois, and raised in Prospect Heights, outside Chicago. His father, Robert, was an architect who worked on major projects in the city; his mother, Kimberly, moved from finance into counseling. Raised Presbyterian, Charlie earned the rank of Eagle Scout, volunteered for Illinois Sen. Mark Kirk’s campaign during high school, and got his first taste of media with a Fox Business appearance after writing about bias in textbooks. Rejected by West Point in 2012, he briefly attended Harper College, then left to pursue activism full time—meeting retiree Bill Montgomery, who became his mentor and co-founded Turning Point USA with him that same year. Follow 🧵Image
2) Early involvement in politics—and why

From the start, Kirk’s motivation was blunt and simple: if the Left had the cultural high ground on campus, the Right needed a grassroots counter-infrastructure. Turning Point USA (TPUSA) grew from a folding table and hand-to-hand organizing into a nationwide network devoted to free markets, limited government, and constitutional liberties—what he liked to call “the American formula.” He did it not by hiding from debate, but by inviting it: the “Prove Me Wrong” open-mic confrontations became his signature, drawing students who’d never before met a conservative willing to listen, argue, and shake hands after. (Even hostile outlets concede this is how he built the brand; friendly ones say he made it look fun.) In short: he put the Right physically back on campus sidewalks and plazas—then kept showing up.Image
3) The people who inspired him

Kirk’s pantheon was unapologetically conservative and Christian: William F. Buckley Jr. as the model of irreverent, ideas-first campus guerrilla; Ronald Reagan for optimism and moral clarity; Donald Trump for populist energy and willingness to fight back; mentors like Bill Montgomery and donors such as Foster Friess who bet on a teenager’s vision; and modern allies ranging from student leaders to media figures who helped amplify his message. In public tributes after his death, figures across the conservative world credited Kirk with “awakening” a new generation and narrowing the youth vote gap in 2024. Vice President JD Vance—who called him a friend—framed hosting The Charlie Kirk Show as a living tribute to the organizer who turned bleachers full of skeptics into volunteers.Image
4) The soft touch—and the sense of dialogue behind the fire

To critics he was a pugilist; to the students who lined up at those tables he was a conversationalist with discipline. The format mattered: he asked people to define terms, restated opposing points fairly, and then made the conservative case without apology—often closing with “appreciate the dialogue.” This was the secret sauce: millions watched precisely because it wasn’t a curated safe space. He believed persuasion required proximity and that civility didn’t mean surrender. Even outlets hostile to his politics acknowledged that his on-campus presence changed the youth landscape; friendly outlets called it a cultural battlefield he refused to abandon.Image
5) A climate poisoned by anti-conservative lies and division—what the Right argues led to his murder

The facts that law enforcement has released so far are stark: a 22-year-old suspect is in custody; authorities say the man isn’t cooperating; inscriptions on recovered casings reportedly referenced anti-fascist rhetoric and meme culture. Utah’s governor says investigators are still assessing motive and has urged calm, while many conservatives have already drawn a larger lesson about the climate of dehumanization that targets Christians and the Right. Conservative commentators lay blame at the ecosystem of “equity” radicalism (DEI), gender-ideology absolutism, and years of contempt for traditional faith—arguing that since the Obama years, elite institutions framed conservative speech as violence and, step by step, made actual violence feel thinkable to extremists. That is the conservative reading of the moment; it deserves to be presented as such while noting that police have not issued a final motive.Image
In this interpretation, Kirk’s assassination is not an isolated crime but the consequence of a culture that labels dissent “harm” and treats believers as bigots to be stamped out. Editorials and on-air tributes from conservative media frame his death as a tipping point: if a man who stands in public and says “let’s talk” becomes a legitimate target, then the American experiment in ordered liberty is itself at risk.
6) Why Israel mattered to his Christian faith—and why he is mourned as a hero in Israel

Kirk’s love of Israel was not a policy afterthought; it was a spiritual anchor. He said visiting the Land—seeing Scripture in stone and soil—“made the Bible pop into reality.” He argued that supporting Israel was a Christian duty rooted in covenant, history, and gratitude for the Jewish moral tradition that shaped the West. He condemned Hamas’ barbarism, defended Israel’s right of self-defense, and rallied pro-Israel students in the face of antisemitic campus mobs. After his death, Israeli leaders and pro-Israel voices on the American Right praised him as a steadfast ally and a “lion-hearted friend of Israel.” Even in news segments not aligned with his worldview, the through-line of his Israel advocacy is unmistakable; in conservative media—and in statements from Israeli officials—he was honored as a man who stood fast when it counted. Fox News+2Newsmax+2
That reverence has come with concrete gestures. Conservative reports note that memorials and tributes in Israel and the U.S. emphasize his Judeo-Christian vocabulary and his insistence that biblical truth belongs in the public square. Public praise from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other Israeli figures has been explicit about Kirk’s role in defending Israel’s legitimacy in hostile forums—a defense that demanded both courage and intellectual stamina.Image
7) The smear that Israel was responsible—why it’s an absurdity

As always after a political murder, conspiracy entrepreneurs tried to redirect blame. In this case, some pro-Palestinian voices and fringe accounts floated innuendo that Israel or “Zionists” had a hand in Kirk’s assassination. This is an old slander in a new wrapper—and it collapses on contact with public facts: the arrest of a domestic suspect, statements from Utah’s governor, and the ongoing U.S. investigation. Israeli leaders themselves have condemned the killing and mourned Kirk; the narrative that Israel orchestrated it is not just baseless, it’s obscene—weaponizing grief to score ideological points. Coverage across mainstream wires confirms the basic investigatory picture; conservative media has rightly called claims blaming Israel “insane.”Image
The legacy that endures

Charlie Kirk’s legacy cannot be captured by one tent, one debate, or one show. It is measured in the student who hears, perhaps for the first time, that gratitude to God and love of country are not embarrassments; in the alum who leaves a campus more conservative than he entered it because someone held a microphone and said, “Tell me why I’m wrong”; in the young mother who decides public faith isn’t a private vice; in the rabbi or pastor who realizes a 20-year-old can still be reached by argument grounded in Scripture and reason.

From a strictly political perspective, the record speaks loudly: conservatives credit Kirk with narrowing the youth vote gap and helping re-energize a coalition that had looked culturally outgunned. From a spiritual perspective, his own words—on how he wanted to be remembered—were a testimony to Christian faith first, politics second. Those words went viral after his death because they were already the governing principle of his life.
He was polarizing, of course. Anyone who insists that truth exists and can be known will be. But the better part of his legacy is not the controversy—it’s the countless direct encounters where he proved that debate is not hate, that conviction can be civil, and that courage can be cheerful. That’s why, even as some try to dance on his grave, the movement he built is expanding, not shrinking. That is why Israeli and American mourners see the same man: a Christian who loved the Jewish state, a patriot who believed America could still be taught, and a fighter whose first weapon was always his open hand, extended across a table with a handwritten sign that said: Prove me wrong.Image

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More from @rehoov

Dec 6, 2025
How to Fight Back: Strategic Paths to Win the Information War

Let me propose some ways to reverse the tide. Yes, the other side is larger and louder. Yes, it often feels like shouting alone against a mob. But numerical disadvantage has rarely stopped history’s moral revolutions. Remember: J’accuse!—one of the most powerful pro-Jewish texts ever written—was not written by a Jew. Our friends have often shouted louder than we could.
So shed the “whole world is against us” mindset. Self-pity is not a strategy. We have enemies, but we also have powerful allies. Let’s analyze the battlefield and see what can actually be done. (Follow🧵🧵)
1. Who Are the Real Anti-Israel Masses?

The two largest blocs of anti-Israel activism are Muslims and Marxists.
The noise from fringe right-wing pundits (Tucker, Candace, etc.) distracts many people, but they do not fill the streets. Their followers click “like,” not Molotov cocktails. The real street force—riots, marches, intimidation—comes overwhelmingly from Muslims and Marxist radicals.
About Muslims:

As individuals, you cannot influence them. They are soldiers in a broader ideological war fueled by foreign leadership—from Iran to Qatar. Their behavior changes only when their leadership is pressured.

A perfect example: the single, symbolic strike in Doha that jolted Qatar into recalculating its stance—after years of obstinacy and tens of thousands dead in Gaza, Lebanon, and Yemen. When even the general, not just the foot soldiers, felt threatened, the retreat began immediately.

Diplomacy and military leverage can change the Muslim front. Individuals cannot.

About Marxists:

This is where your personal involvement matters, because Marxists—like Islamists—also operate as a military-style hierarchy: foot soldiers, officers, generals.

Let’s start with the soldiers.
2. Understanding the Foot Soldiers of the Anti-Israel Mob

The rank-and-file of anti-Israel activism are not motivated by love for Palestinians. They are frustrated people searching for meaning, dissolving their empty personal lives into a grand crusade. “Palestine” is simply their modern opium—an emotional escape hatch.
They cannot fix their own lives, so they immerse themselves in unattainable causes. The more distant the goal, the better. Their demonstrations look less like humanitarian vigils and more like barbarian celebrations—euphoric, manic, tribal. Their true hatred is not aimed at Israel or Jews, but at the Western civilization in which they feel alienated.
Why Israel? We’ll get to that when we discuss their generals.

Why Israelis struggle to communicate with them:

Most Israelis and Israel supporters are satisfied with their lives. Israel consistently ranks among the world’s happiest nations. Happy people speak pragmatism; fanatics speak absolutism. These two languages are mutually unintelligible.

Rational people are not the target

Some rational Westerners side with the mob simply to avoid trouble. They want calm lives. You will not convince them to risk comfort for lofty principles. Remove the threat to their comfort, and they drift back to neutrality. That’s good enough.

Fanatics, however, cannot be persuaded

Trying to “debate” them is like training harder at chess to beat someone who intends to punch you in the face.

You cannot extinguish their hatred—it's their emotional painkiller. But you can redirect it. Fanatics switch causes like switching video games. The key is to give them a new, emotionally rewarding “game.”

This is why forging connections with Europe’s and America’s rising mass movements is essential. Unlike passive media pundits, mobilizers like Tommy Robinson have proven capable of rallying hundreds of thousands into the streets. These movements can absorb frustrated youth and redirect their rage away from Israel and toward genuine threats: Islamism and Marxism.
Read 7 tweets
Oct 16, 2025
How the Israeli “ultra-left” nearly tore the nation apart (follow 🧵) The Kaplan Force phenomenon, the anti-Netanyahu protest movement and its allied galaxy, represents more than just a simple political contestation: for its detractors, it embodied a systematic strategy of national division, pressure against the State, and — in its excesses — an aggravating factor in the security failures of October 7. Here’s how, according to this reading, the “ultra-left” nearly precipitated Israel into chaos.🧵Image
1. Dividing the State Around the Judicial Reform — A Signal to the Enemy

The Kaplan movement was born in the contestation of the government's judicial reforms (2023), with targeted actions: road blockades, “siege” of the airport, symbolic paralysis — all signs of organized civil disobedience. For its opponents, what was supposed to remain an internal reform became the prism through which the entire society was fragmented. By advocating institutional sedition, especially by insinuating that reservists might refuse to serve, the movement would have sent a catastrophic signal: that of the weakness of national consensus and a potentially disobedient army. Some commentators put it bluntly: “Hamas, seeing Israel implode from within, understood that the ground was ripe for attack.” In other words, this is not just an institutional battle: it is a strategy of destabilization. And when the roots of national trust waver, the enemy has only to drive the nail in.Image
2. Taking hostage families “politically hostages”

When the October 7 attack occurred, everything changed completely. The hostage families became the emotional heart of the entire nation. But it was precisely there that the Kaplan movement and its allies saw an opportunity: to transform the human tragedy into a political weapon. They put pressure on the government, demanding not only the release of the captives—a legitimate demand—but also the fall of the Prime Minister, as if one could not happen without the other. This shift—from a humanitarian demand to a political condemnation—fractured the national front. The massive demonstrations—sometimes arbitrary, sometimes provocative—served to stigmatize Netanyahu. And in a context of war, the line between a “peaceful” demonstration and moral sabotage becomes thin.Image
Read 7 tweets
Oct 15, 2025
Comment l’“ultra-gauche” israélienne a failli déchirer la nation ( suivez 🧵)

Le phénomène Kaplan Force, le mouvement de protestation anti-Netanyahu et sa galaxie alliée, représente plus qu’une simple contestation politique : pour ses détracteurs, il a incarné une stratégie systématique de division nationale, de pression contre l’État, et — dans ses excès — un facteur aggravant dans les failles sécuritaires du 7 octobre. Voici comment, selon cette lecture, l’“ultra-gauche” a presque précipité Israël dans le chaos. 🧵Image
1. Diviser l’État autour de la réforme judiciaire — un signal à l’ennemi

Le mouvement Kaplan est né dans la contestation des réformes judiciaires du gouvernement (2023), avec des actions ciblées : blocages routiers, “siège” de l’aéroport, paralysie symbolique — autant de signes d’une désobéissance civile organisée.

Pour ses opposants, ce qui devait rester une réforme interne est devenu le prisme à travers lequel toute la société a été fragmentée. En prônant la sédition institutionnelle, surtout en insinuant que des réservistes pourraient refuser de servir, le mouvement aurait envoyé un signal catastrophique : celui de la faiblesse du consensus national et d’une armée potentiellement désobéissante. Certains commentateurs le formulent crûment : “Hamas, voyant Israël imploser de l’intérieur, a compris que le terrain était mûr pour attaquer.”

En d’autres termes, ce n’est pas seulement un combat institutionnel : c’est une stratégie de déstabilisation. Et quand les racines de la confiance nationale vacillent, l’ennemi n’a plus qu’à enfoncer le clou.Image
2. Prendre les familles d’otages “en otage politique”

Quand l’attaque du 7 octobre est survenue, la donne a changé du tout au tout. Les familles d’otages sont devenues le cœur émotionnel de toute la nation. Mais c’est justement là que le mouvement Kaplan et ses alliés ont vu une opportunité : transformer le drame humain en épée politique.

Ils ont fait pression sur le gouvernement, en exigeant non seulement la libération des captifs – revendication légitime – mais aussi la chute du Premier ministre, comme si l’un ne pouvait se faire sans l’autre. Ce glissement — d’une revendication humanitaire à une condamnation politique — a fracturé le front national.
Les manifestations massives — parfois arbitraires, parfois provocantes — ont servi à stigmatiser Netanyahu. Et dans un contexte de guerre, la frontière entre manifestation “pacifique” et sabotage moral devient mince.Image
Read 7 tweets
Oct 11, 2025
LES JUIFS MARTYRISÉS EN PALESTINE OTTOMANE : L’HISTOIRE QU’ON VOUS CACHE (thread 🧵)

Depuis des décennies, une propagande savamment orchestrée prétend que la « Palestine » aurait toujours été une terre arabe, et que les Juifs n’y seraient que des colons venus d’Europe.
C’est un mensonge, répété jusqu’à devenir dogme par l’alliance contre-nature du monde islamiste, de la gauche post-coloniale et de ce qu’il faut bien appeler le néo-antisémitisme contemporain.
La vérité est plus simple, mais plus dérangeante : la Judée et la Samarie — rebaptisées Syria Palaestina par l’empereur Hadrien pour effacer la mémoire juive après la révolte de 132 — n’ont jamais cessé d’être habitées par des Juifs. Ils y ont vécu, souffert, prié, survécu, martyrisés sous chaque domination.
Sous les Ottomans comme sous les Mamelouks, ils furent humiliés, rackettés, battus, parfois massacrés, réduits au statut de citoyens de seconde zone.
Et pendant que les gauchistes de salon pleurnichent sur le “peuple palestinien”, personne ne se souvient de ces siècles de persécutions oubliées. ( follow 🧵)Image
1. Une présence juive ininterrompue

Les Juifs n’ont jamais quitté cette terre.
Depuis la destruction du Second Temple en 70, malgré les déportations romaines, les conversions forcées et la misère, des communautés juives ont subsisté à Jérusalem, Hébron, Safed, Tibériade, Bethléem et ailleurs.
Elles parlaient arabe, hébreu ou ladino, vivaient pauvrement, mais restaient sur la terre de leurs ancêtres.
Quand les nationalistes arabes et les marxistes déguisés en humanistes parlent d’“occupation”, ils oublient que leurs propres ancêtres ont conquis cette terre mille ans après les premiers royaumes d’Israël.
La Judée n’a pas été colonisée par les Juifs : elle a été occupée par ceux qui ont prétendu les chasser.Image
2. Le statut de dhimmi : une humiliation institutionnalisée

Sous domination musulmane, les Juifs furent des dhimmis — des “protégés”, autrement dit des inférieurs tolérés à condition d’accepter leur soumission.
Ils payaient la jizya, un impĂ´t de honte pour avoir le droit de vivre.
Ils ne pouvaient pas porter les armes, ni monter Ă  cheval, ni construire des maisons plus hautes que celles des musulmans.
Ils devaient baisser les yeux, céder le passage, éviter de chanter, prier à voix basse, et surtout ne jamais oublier leur place : au bas de l’échelle.
Les synagogues ne pouvaient rivaliser en hauteur avec les mosquées. Les Juifs étaient exclus de la justice, interdits de fonctions publiques, et punis s’ils osaient contester un musulman.
Voilà la fameuse “tolérance” islamique dont on nous rebat les oreilles : un apartheid religieux vieux de treize siècles.Image
Read 9 tweets
Oct 10, 2025
La grande imposture du wokisme : autopsie d’un virus intellectuel (🧵)
1. Les racines du mal : quand Foucault et Derrida ont ouvert la porte au relativisme absolu

Le “wokisme” n’est pas né sur les campus américains — il a été conçu en France, dans les années 1960, par une poignée d’intellectuels nihilistes. Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Deleuze et consorts ont semé les graines d’un poison : l’idée que toute vérité n’est qu’une construction sociale, que le bien et le mal n’existent pas, que la morale est une invention de ceux qui détiennent le pouvoir.

Sous couvert de “déconstruction”, ces penseurs ont dynamité les fondements de la civilisation occidentale : la raison, la hiérarchie, la responsabilité individuelle, la distinction entre mérite et victimisation.
Le paradoxe veut que cette école de pensée, née en France, ait été d’abord rejetée par l’intelligentsia française, avant d’être idolâtrée aux États-Unis, où des universitaires en mal de révolte ont vu dans cette “French Theory” un outil de destruction massive contre tout ce qui incarne l’Occident.
Le wokisme est donc le produit d’un croisement entre la philosophie du néant et la culture de la culpabilité.
Foucault, déviant sexuel assumé et admirateur du totalitarisme iranien, prônait la libération de tous les tabous, y compris sexuels. Derrida, lui, proclamait qu’aucun texte n’a de sens fixe — autrement dit : que la vérité n’existe pas.
Ce cocktail explosif allait devenir l’idéologie de notre époque : la sacralisation du doute, de la déviance et de la déconstruction. (suivre le🧵)Image
2. L’expansion mondiale d’un virus moral

Des amphithéâtres de la Sorbonne aux campus de Berkeley, le poison s’est répandu.
Sous couvert de “pensée critique”, le wokisme s’est infiltré partout : universités, médias, écoles, plateformes numériques. Il s’est vendu comme un combat pour la “justice sociale”, mais il s’est révélé être une machine à produire la haine, la division et la médiocrité.
La logique est simple : si tout est relatif, alors tout se vaut. L’excellence devient oppression. Le mérite devient privilège. Le génie devient suspect.
Les institutions académiques américaines ont fait du wokisme une religion d’État, avec ses dogmes (le privilège blanc, la fluidité de genre, le colonialisme structurel), ses prêtres (les professeurs militants), et ses inquisiteurs (les étudiants activistes armés de Twitter).

Le monde entier a suivi, hypnotisé par cette nouvelle morale du ressentiment.
Sous l’apparence de compassion, le wokisme ne produit que peur, autocensure et chaos.
C’est un virus social, qui détruit le tissu commun sous prétexte de diversité, et fabrique des générations entières d’êtres fragiles, persuadés d’être victimes avant d’avoir agi.Image
3. Quand les ennemis de l’Occident financent la décadence

Le “wokisme universitaire” n’a pas grandi dans le vide.
Après la chute de l’URSS, les anciens réseaux marxistes ont cherché d’autres moyens de saper l’Occident de l’intérieur.
Ils ont trouvé un terrain fertile : les universités américaines, financées par des mécènes venus du Qatar, de la Turquie ou d’Iran, tous soucieux d’encourager une idéologie qui affaiblit les défenses morales de l’Occident.
Les pétrodollars islamiques ont arrosé les “centres d’études postcoloniales” et “décoloniales” qui pullulent à Harvard, Columbia ou Yale.
Ces institutions se sont transformées en laboratoires de haine de soi, enseignant que l’homme blanc, hétérosexuel et chrétien est l’ennemi public numéro un.
Ce n’est plus de l’éducation, c’est un endoctrinement lent, subventionné par les ennemis de la liberté.
Le terrorisme a changé de méthode : il ne frappe plus seulement avec des bombes, mais avec des concepts.
L’arme du XXIᵉ siècle, c’est le wokisme — la guerre cognitive contre la raison occidentale.Image
Read 8 tweets
Oct 4, 2025
SUBMISSION OR RESPONSIBILITY?
Follow the thread đź§µ

The price of freedom From Socrates to Jean-Paul Sartre, the philosophy of free will rests on a simple and demanding truth: to be free is to be responsible. Authentic freedom is not whimsy, nor the absence of constraints, but the ability to choose—and to bear the consequences of one's choices. Spinoza wrote: "The free man thinks of nothing less than of death, and his wisdom is a meditation on life." In other words, freedom is not a gift, but a permanent conquest against fear. From Saint Augustine to Kant, from Bergson to Camus, the free man is the one who recognizes the element of necessity in the world, but never renounces the element of decision that belongs to him. Yet, this responsibility is heavy. It confronts each person with the anguish of choice, the possibility of error, moral solitude. And it is often there, facing the vertigo of freedom, that the average man throws in the towel. He seeks a master, a guide, an ideology. Someone—or something—to tell him what to do, what to think, and how to live. From this fear arise all forms of submission. And from submission arise totalitarianism. As Eric Voegelin summed it up: "The man who refuses the responsibility of freedom seeks to deify himself through the collective."🧵Image
The Ideologies of Renunciation

The 20th century was the tragic laboratory of these renunciations. Fascism and Nazism replaced individual responsibility with the cult of the leader, of blood, of race, of the nation. The citizen became a cog in a collective body, deprived of his own soul. Hannah Arendt observed: “Totalitarianism begins where man is no more than a functionary of his own destiny.” Soviet communism, in the name of equality, imposed another form of servitude: that of the proletariat fused into the Party, where individual consciousness was no more than a “bourgeois deviation.” In China, in Cuba, in Cambodia, in Venezuela, the same pattern repeated itself: the common good decreed from above, the crushing of freedoms, the repression of dissidents.
As for political Islamism, it represents today the religious version of this same mechanism: a theocratic totalitarianism where faith becomes a tool of power, and submission, a sacred duty. In all cases, the common point remains: the promise of a collective paradise at the price of the abolition of individual consciousness. George Orwell had anticipated it: “The choice is between freedom and happiness, and for the great majority, happiness is better.”Image
The Mechanics of Submission

Submission, in all its forms, is based on a principle: the abdication of responsibility. The cult of personality, whether it be Lenin, Stalin, Mao, or Hitler, creates a substitute for the divine on earth. The individual dissolves into the figure of the leader, who is supposed to embody the collective destiny. Alexis de Tocqueville already warned: “I see an innumerable crowd of men, similar and equal, constantly turning in upon themselves to procure small and vulgar pleasures.” In the case of religious totalitarianism, the process is identical. For centuries, medieval Christianity imposed its dogmatic hierarchy, until the philosophy of the Enlightenment restored man to his central place in the universe. The Church then lost its monopoly on souls in favor of reason and conscience. But political Islam, for its part, pursues this project of total submission. The very word Islam means “submission.” By submitting to Allah, the believer abdicates his moral responsibility: everything is written, everything is willed. The Quran, considered the uncreated word, codifies the smallest gestures of daily life. The believer becomes the executor of a program, the “hand of Allah.” His choices no longer belong to him: he acts according to a code, not according to his conscience. From this codification flows an extreme ritualization: five daily prayers, always identical, turned toward the same center; prohibition of any personalization of faith or prayer; rejection of introspection in favor of repetition. Islamism transforms spirituality into automatism, faith into reflex, religion into discipline. As Nietzsche wrote: “Whoever wants to be a disciple must deny himself.” Thus, political and conquering Islam becomes a sect on a global scale, where the individual effaces himself before the Ummah — the community — and where doubt, the condition of all thought, is eradicated.Image
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