AI models are approaching PhD-level capabilities in some tasks, transforming how we teach and learn in higher ed. A short🧵 with my take as an associate professor using AI. Please note that these are speculative reflections, not predictions, to spark discussion /1
As an early adopter, I am amazed by AI’s rapid progress in research and analysis. Hallucinations persist - e.g. fabricated academic sources - but are improving in newer models /2
If AI continues to advance, students could have personalised agents for expert-level learning in the foreseeable future. How could this reshape traditional lectures and coursework assignments? /3
Higher ed traditionally teaches deep reading, critical analysis, essay writing and making convincing and compelling arguments. How can we salvage such crucial skillsets in an AI-enhanced future? /4
Even sceptics of AI will need to recognise that this technology can now support educators by handling tasks faster, freeing us to focus more on a facilitative role, e.g. in the form of ‘flipped classrooms’ /5
How could a ‘new’ model of higher education look like? I don’t have definite answers and can only speculate from my own vantage point. I invite colleagues to share their ideas for transformed higher ed practice, too /6
I consider it possible that in the foreseeable future students will be able to have their own personalised agents which can train them in terms of subject matter expertise /7
If this scenario was born out in reality - which is by no means guaranteed - our role as modern educators would move firmly from the ‘sage on the stage’ to the ‘guide on the side’ /8
In such an AI-saturated environment we could facilitate workshops and seminars, in which students are tasked to engage in self-directed learning using AI agents, followed by reflection and group discussion /9
Students could be tasked to share lessons learned, explain where they agreed or disagreed with AI assessments based on their own values, worldviews, and experiences. We could ask them to critically discuss AI’s underlying assumptions and potential biases /10
This way students would also be better equipped to question their own assumptions about the world, how these are shaped by framing and belief systems /11
Greater critical thinking can be considered a key skill for both staff and students in higher ed. Again, these ideas are my reflections to spark debate, not a blueprint. What’s your take? /End
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We can count ourselves lucky that war in the Taiwan Strait hasn't erupted—yet. But Jennifer Kavanagh unfairly blames Taiwan for tensions. Do we see a mirroring of the 🇺🇦 debate, only this time it is 🇹🇼 where defenders are faulted for existing? A short 🧵/1 nytimes.com/2025/09/15/opi…
Kavanagh's op-ed wrongly frames Taiwan as troublemaker: "Taiwanese defiance toward China provokes aggressive bluster from Beijing." No explanation is given what the supposedly problematic 'defiance' consists of. Maybe asserting the sovereignty of the Republic of China on🇹🇼? /2
Recommending Trump to 'put Taiwan on notice', Kavanagh assumes that 🇺🇸 can unilaterally 'restore equilibrium across the Taiwan Strait', thereby overestimating 🇺🇸 power and stripping 🇹🇼 of agency. Like blaming Taiwan for ‘defiance,’ it’s pure ethnocentrism. Why sideline 🇹🇼? /3
Deutschland mangelt es an einer Grand strategy. Darunter verstehen wir die umfassende, langfristige Koordination militärischer, wirtschaftlicher, diplomatischer und kultureller Mittel eines Landes zur Sicherung nationaler Interessen und Bewältigung globaler Herausforderungen /1
Wir haben eine unterentwickelte strategische Kultur. Damit meine ich die gesellschaftlich tief verwurzelten Normen, Werte, und historische Erfahrungen eines Landes, ein über Jahrzehnte gewachsener Resonanzboden, der das aussen- und sicherheitspolitische Verhalten beeinflusst /2
Lange Zeit liess sich Deutschland als Zivilmacht beschreiben. Trotz NATO-Beitritt in den 1950er Jahren spielten militärische Mittel eine untergeordnete Rolle. Mit Mitteln der Diplomatie, Außenwirtschaftsförderung und europäische Integration nahm die BRD Einfluss /3
Die Militärparade in Peking zeigt, wie Xi, Putin und Kim die Geschichte des 2. Weltkriegs in ihrem Sinne umschreiben #CRINK. Derweil werden Diktaturen immer noch von zu vielen Zeitgenossen normalisiert. Wer sie schonungslos analysiert, gilt schnell als 'Kalter Krieger' /1
Es ist schon erstaunlich, dass westliche Chinaexperten selbst heute noch für eine 'Partnerschaft' mit 🇨🇳 eintreten. Klartext über politische Missstände in China wird dann als Hindernis für Dialog und Kooperation angesehen. Tatsächlich entsteht so ein massiver blinder Fleck /2
Wer aus taktischen Gründen die autokratischen Missstände in China herunterspielt, wird nicht gleichzeitig auch eine ergebnisoffene Risikoanalyse betreiben. Ein effektives Risikomanagement kann es so nicht geben. Aus dem Versuch der Annäherung an 🇨🇳 wird dann eine Verstrickung /3
There is no other way to put it: this article is an example of a dysfunctional and moralised discourse about threat frames in public policy. It's high time for us to move towards an evidence-based approach towards geopolitical risk management. A short🧵/1 carnegieendowment.org/research/2025/…
Efforts by politicians to 'persuade through fear appeals' are criticised. Drawing on McCarthy ('Red Scare') and George W. Bush ('Global War on Terror') the costs of 'instrumentalizing threats' are highlighted. The article then pivots to the case of China, but fails to convince /2
While I appreciate that the author is most likely motivated by a desire to advance constructive 🇨🇳 engagement, I find it irritating that the overall argument is littered with logical fallacies. While they could be unintentional, they weaken the persuasiveness of the article /3
"Hexenjagd auf Akademiker"? Bei solcher Rhetorik werde ich hellhörig. Sowohl der Diskurs zu 🇷🇺 als auch 🇨🇳 gilt als stark polarisiert. Ich habe mir also mal das Gespräch zwischen Mangott und Lottaz angehört. Ein🧵basierend auf Lakoffs Theorie zu framing /1
Die Sprachforschung kann uns dabei helfen, die Rhetorik im Gespräch einzuordnen: Metaphern prägen laut George Lakoff unsere jeweilige Weltsicht. Bei Konservativen gelte beispielsweise das 'strict father' frame, bei Progressiven hingegen das frame des 'nurturant parent' /2
In der Außenpolitik können die beiden Metaphern allerdings auch kombiniert werden. Eine pro 🇺🇦 Position kann das 'strict father' frame (Putin als Aggressor) mit 'nurturant parent' frame (Ukraines Souveränität muss gewahrt werden) verbinden. Wie machen das Mangott und Lottaz? /3
Are you a 🕊️ dove or 🦅 hawk on dealing with the Chinese Communist Party? The polarisation between engagement / peaceful co-existence vs. containment / confrontation dominates western 🇨🇳 debates. But can we reframe the metaphors for a smarter middle ground? A short 🧵/1
In my book 'Germany and China' I have argued that a middle ground between competing policy images exists, understood as a 'mixture of empirical information and emotive appeals' (Pal, 2014). This middle ground is marginalised as both camps use frames which seem non-compatible /2
First example: When 🕊️ doves push dialogue and cooperation with 🇨🇳 on climate change, 🦅 hawks scoff: Aren't they trapped by the CCP's restricted, politically managed communication channels, risking cooptation? How could we reframe this for more critical China engagement? /3