The collapse of Israel’s relationship with China is no longer a quiet undercurrent, it is an open fracture. Hebrew media now admit what Washington tried to obscure: Beijing has turned decisively against the Zionist project, not out of expediency, but because Palestine has become the moral and geopolitical litmus test of our era.
Israeli exports to China have plummeted 28% in the first half of 2025. What Tel Aviv frames as “economic friction” is, in truth, Beijing’s refusal to normalize trade with a regime that wages genocide against Palestinians. Where the United States shields Israel with weapons and vetoes, China has aligned itself with the broader Global South, openly charging that the siege of Gaza violates the most basic norms of sovereignty and human dignity.
The break goes deeper than trade. Cybersecurity, academic exchange, and joint technology ventures are unraveling. Israeli universities, once eager to host Chinese scholars, now find doors closing. Zionist cyber firms, long dependent on dual-use contracts, are now viewed in Beijing as extensions of an occupation apparatus. This isn’t “economic leverage”, it is the steady withdrawal of legitimacy from a colonial project.
The roots of this realignment lie in China’s alliance with Iran. Since the 2021 comprehensive partnership agreement, Beijing has been Tehran’s economic lifeline, purchasing 91% of its oil exports in 2023 alone, worth over $9 billion. By 2025, China joined Iran and Russia in joint naval drills, openly contesting U.S.-Israeli dominance at sea. When Israel’s air defense grid faltered under Iranian strikes, Chinese technical support helped Tehran turn “damaged systems” into functional warnings for the next round.
These moves terrify Tel Aviv because they reveal the architecture of multipolar power. Israel’s doctrine has always depended on monopoly, monopoly over U.S. weapons, over Western finance, over narrative framing in global media. China’s alignment with Iran and its sympathy for the Palestinian cause shatter that monopoly. Beijing does not just sell oil or invest in ports; it provides the political gravity that allows the Islamic world and the wider South to stand upright against the U.S.-Zionist axis.
The fury in Tel Aviv shows the stakes. When MK Boaz Toporovsky visited Taiwan, the Chinese embassy in Tel Aviv issued a blunt warning: keep challenging One China and “you will fall to pieces.” Zionist media outlets, accustomed to dictating terms, now receive Chinese protest letters over even the titles given to Taiwan’s representatives. This is not “posturing.” It is China wielding sovereignty language with the same firmness it extends to Palestine: there is no room for colonial doublespeak.
For decades, Israel presented itself as a gateway to the Mediterranean for Chinese investment. Haifa Port, Ashdod, and light rail projects were hailed as proof that Tel Aviv could sit astride both East and West. Now these very assets are debated inside Israel as “strategic threats.” Beijing doesn’t need to “exploit” this, it simply lets reality speak: an occupying power cannot expect to be both pariah and partner.
The Zionist response is predictable. Hebrew media urge cutting Chinese investments, deepening U.S. alignment, and policing foreign access to infrastructure. But every step back toward Washington is another admission that the myth of Israel as an “independent tech hub” is dead. It is reduced again to what it always was: an outpost of American power, dependent and brittle.
What emerges is a new geometry of legitimacy. Israel makes itself smaller with every massacre in Gaza, every flare over Nablus, every bomb dropped on Rafah. China grows larger each time it declares solidarity with Palestine, each time it underwrites multipolar defense with Iran and Russia, each time it binds its energy lifelines to the Gulf. This is not opportunism, it is the steady alignment of global power with justice.
Beijing understands that Palestine is not only a cause but a mirror: whoever stands with it gains the trust of billions; whoever stands against it exposes themselves as agents of empire. Israel now finds itself isolated, its exports declining, its influence shrinking, while China cements its role as both partner to sovereign nations and voice for the dispossessed.
The war has done what years of diplomacy could not: it forced the world to choose. And in that choice, China has placed itself firmly on the side of liberation, while Israel has collapsed into the open embrace of decline.
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Israel Hayom and Shabak outlets are scrambling to dress up what is, at its core, another humiliation for the Zionist security apparatus.
According to their own admissions, Iranian operatives posed as representatives for the Israeli singer Yuval Eliasi (“Saya”), sending messages in an attempt to meet with Hillel Ben Gvir, the 17-year-old daughter of occupation National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir. The supposed “concert booking” was nothing more than a pretext to demonstrate that the resistance’s intelligence reach can penetrate into the private lives of the regime’s most protected figures.
Shabak has been forced into damage-control briefings, summoning Ben Gvir’s staff and warning that his employees are also being targeted. The narrative in Israel Hayom is inflated into talk of “kidnapping,” but the actual exposure lies elsewhere: the occupation’s enemies can make its most extreme ministers and their families feel personally vulnerable with nothing more than a few crafted messages.
Recent interview with Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, revealing details of the Iranian perspective on the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation:
Ghalibaf framed the October 7 operation not as an aberration but as the natural continuation of a liberation struggle. He rejected outright the Zionist and Western claim that October 7th was some kind of “Israeli trap,” pointing out that if it were an Israeli game, the occupation would not still be floundering in humiliation nearly two years later.
The very fact that Hamas breached the myth of Israeli intelligence supremacy, executing a massive, coordinated operation under their nose, was in itself a strategic defeat for the occupier.
He was clear that Hamas is a liberation movement, not a proxy, not a terror group, but a community of youth born into dispossession and occupation. Their decision to strike on October 7 was made independently, without Iranian or Hezbollah involvement, and kept so secret that even Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah himself was not informed. The operation, he explained, proved that Palestinians could impose their will even when the occupier claims total control of the map.
On Hezbollah, he dismissed the notion of defeat. While Zionist strikes martyred commanders and even Sayyid Hassan himself, the movement has emerged, in his words, more alive than ever. He reminded listeners that Hezbollah was born in conditions far worse, at a time when Shi’a factions were divided, Arab armies were ineffective, and the Zionist enemy had reached the gates of Beirut.
From that chaos came the unity that expelled Israel back to its borders and inflicted the first historic defeat in its 75 years of existence. To call Hezbollah weakened now, he argued, ignores its proven resilience and the fact that U.S. officials still scramble daily to contain it. A defeated movement does not summon such fear.
The Iranian Handala Cyber Group announced they have penetrated the core systems of Israel’s Spacecom, operator of the AMOS satellite network.
These satellites connect forward units to command centers, feed encrypted relays into airbases, and serve as high-bandwidth channels for security and governmental communications extending across Europe, the Middle East, and Africa.
To claim control over 379GB of captured files and 19 ground stations in 6 countries is not a symbolic strike but an incision into the arteries of Israel’s warfighting logistics.
The timing and context amplify the weight of this breach. During the 12-Day War against Iran, the same AMOS satellites were weaponized to sustain Israel’s operational tempo, supporting targeting links, secure command chains, and real-time coordination across allied networks.
Handala’s seizure turns that history inside out: the very platforms once used to bomb Tehran’s periphery are now presented as compromised, their data siphoned, their secrecy punctured. The irony is sharp, systems built to surveil and suppress resistance are now themselves under hostile surveillance, their protective cocoon peeled back.
The screenshots released serve as technical proof of depth rather than surface spectacle. One shows SSH negotiations with Dropbear, exposing Israel’s live cipher suites and key exchange algorithms, an opening into the cryptographic skeleton that guards military traffic.
Another reveals a directory of system processes on compromised servers, including services like eventlog, LSM_API_service, and networking listeners critical to operational continuity.
The listing of IPC shares, service tasks, and runtime logs indicates persistence, lateral movement, and control inside core administrative layers. This is not a noisy smash-and-grab; it is infiltration with endurance, implying the capability not only to exfiltrate but also to degrade, corrupt, or deny at will.
Remember that Mehdi Hasan had no issue slandering the resistance by repeating the line that Hamas was “created by Israel.” This isn’t analysis, it’s a colonial trope designed to erase Palestinian agency and to recast a deep, decades-long continuum of Islamic resistance as nothing more than an enemy’s project.
The roots of Islamist resistance in Palestine run far deeper than 1987. In the 1930s, Sheikh Izz al-Din al-Qassam organized men from mosques into armed revolt against the British and early Zionist militias. His death in 1935 made him a symbol of defensive jihad and anti-colonial struggle. Hamas’s military wing bears his name precisely because he represents continuity: faith fused with arms against occupation.
When the Nakba came in 1948, Muslim Brotherhood fighters crossed into Palestine from Egypt, Jordan, and Iraq, forming brigades that fought in Yafa, Jerusalem, and Gaza. These were not marginal fanatics but organized cadres who saw the liberation of Palestine as a religious duty.
In Gaza, Brotherhood networks later recruited figures like Khalil al-Wazir, a co-founder of Fatah, and Khayri al-Agha, a founder of Hamas. Even the “secular” Fatah movement is rooted in Islamist soil, undermining Hasan’s suggestion that Islamism is some late manipulation.
A senior security leader confirmed that most of the recent strikes on displaced persons’ tents in the southern part of the Strip were the result of using smartphones.
He explained that the smartphone acts as the first agent against its owner and is the primary suspect in the success of the occupation’s intelligence in reaching the targeted person or determining their location, through the voiceprint of the individual.
He stressed that camouflage, using fake names, speaking in agreed codes, or even changing dialects is not enough to overcome surveillance.
Ben Caspit’s column in Maariv drips with the stench of a regime that knows it is cornered. Netanyahu, the man who once strutted across capitals, now charts his flight path like a smuggler, ducking France, Spain, and Britain, wary that his entourage might be dragged into custody, his wife’s luggage itself a liability. The supposed “statesman” of Israel reduced to calculating fuel reserves like a fugitive in the sky.
Caspit frames it with bitter irony: Mohammed Deif and Yahya Sinwar grinning, because what began October 7 has metastasized into a global reversal. Hamas not only bleeds Israel militarily, but now moves on the diplomatic chessboard, openly backing the UN vote for a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, something unthinkable in Zionist nightmares.
By the eve of Netanyahu’s speech, 142 nations stood for Palestine; only 10 against. Israel is shunned, its name now a synonym for genocide, child-killing, and war crimes. Caspit admits the unbearable truth: in the world’s eyes Israel has become the Nazi heir, its rhetoric of “total victory” recast as a fascist creed, a new Mein Kampf.