First suggestion: Do everything you can to *maximize transparency* about where, when & how SB 79 applies -- and about the discretion it confers on city councils to alter SB 79 default rules or roll back other upzonings.
/2
I say this not b/c I think transparency is inherently good. Rather, I think it has real instrumental benefits for councilpersons who fear a NIMBY uprising.
Clarity about where SB 79 applies will, at least on margin, lead to geographic reshuffling of population.
/3
The most density-averse residents will move out of the SB-79 zones, and others who are more tolerant or even welcoming of SB 79 will move in. This will reduce local opposition to SB 79 projects (which could save your hide).
/4
Clarity about SB 79's application also avoids unwelcome surprises and equips people who really don't like it to make concrete appeals to the state legislature. ("Blame Sacramento, not me!")
/5
And clarity about its application will also give your constituents plenty of time to organize and propose "Eckhouse plans" before the full-force version of SB 79 kicks in (a year into the 7th housing-element cycle, or roughly 2030).
/6
So, how to achieve clarity?
- Create an SB 79 website, w/ maps of local SB 79 zones & height/density/FAR allowed in each, both by default & under local ordinance, if any.
Website should also explain "Eckhouse plan" concept & invite suggestions.
- Lobby your MPO to issue its official SB 79 map as soon as possible. Then use it in your website.
The MPO's map carries a presumption of correctness for purposes of the default SB 79 rules (GC 65912.157) and calculations of the sufficiency of an Eckhouse Plan.
/8
- Lobby @California_HCD to issue ASAP (1) guidelines for its review of SB 79 implementation & Eckhouse ordinances, and (2) standards for counting SB 79 capacity toward RHNA obligations.
Implore HCD to choose bright-line rules over mushy standards whenever possible.
/9
Clear HCD rules will make it much easier for your constituents to understand how SB 79 applies and what is your zone of discretion when it comes to implementing ordinances & Eckhouse plans.
/10
HCD is likely to resist issuing clear rules. They'll say they don't have the authority.
(SB 79 authorizes HCD to issue standards for counting SB 79 capacity toward RHNA, but doesn't say anything about rulemaking or guidelines for other purposes.)
No matter. For reasons...
/11
I'll explain in Thread #5 (advice to Leg), the Leg will have to pass a trailer bill next spring exempting HCD's standards for SB 79 "RHNA counting" from the APA.
Other SB 79 standards or guidelines can be validated by the same bill.
/12
Next big theme: Beware of propitiating your NIMBY constituents via legally questionable policies that try to exploit ambiguities in SB 79.
Why? B/c, starting 1/1/2027, SB 79 imposes severe sanctions on cities that unlawfully disapprove SB projects in high-resource areas.
/13
A court *shall* fine the city at least $10,000 per unit that was unlawfully denied.
Courts have discretion to impose larger fines, and a city that has a track record of gamesmanship w.r.t. SB 79 is likely to be hit with bigger penalties.
/14
One way to demonstrate good faith (and thus minimize potential fines) is to ask @California_HCD for a TA memo if you're unclear about whether you may disapprove an SB 79 project or condition its approval in particular ways.
/15
Another way is to acquiesce in any reasonable HCD finding of noncompliance with respect to your SB 79 implementation ordinance or Eckhouse plan, rather than exercising your prerogative to adopt the ordinance over HCD's objection.
/16
Next theme: Recognize opportunity!
SB 79 may put you in a tough spot with some of your constituents, but it also opens doors.
/17
E.g., a case decided last week has probably rendered your housing-element rezoning unlawful. You'll need to fix it quickly or risk lawsuits & builder's remedy projects.
One quick fix is to opt into SB 79 early, w/ or w/o Eckhouse plan. No CEQA required!
More generally, SB 79 should help you navigate between the competing demands of your NIMBY constituents and the YIMBY and Chamber of Commerce types who want more housing.
It lets you upzone and approve more housing while shifting blame to the state.
/19
Last thought: Expect fluidity. Prepare your constituents for it.
SB 79 is a work in progress. The Leg is likely to hammer on it year by year, fixing problems as they arise, much like ADU law.
/20
Tell your constituents to go to the Leg if there are specific things they want changed.
And design your SB 79 website in the expectation that it will need to be updated at least annually.
/end
@threadreaderapp unroll
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
New decision from CA Court of Appeal on the fee-shifting provisions of AB 1633 has big implications for NIMBYs' incentive to challenge housing approvals under CEQA & beyond.
Context: As part of the 1970s revolution in admin law, states & the federal gov't actively encouraged self-appointed "private attorneys general" to sue, via attorneys' fee bounties.
/2
Asymmetric fee-shifting provisions were written into scores of public laws: If a plaintiff challenging a gov't decision wins, the gov't has to pay for the plaintiff's attorney; if the plaintiff loses, they don't have to pay for the gov's attorney.
"For a typical mid-rise apartment in San José, construction costs can exceed $700k–$900k per unit."
I 💯% agree w/ @MattMahanSJ that reducing construction costs should be a top priority for 2026 -- and that this is mainly a job for the state legislature.
Reason #1. CA's fiscal constitution + local political incentives push local govs to extract "value" from development w/ impact fees, IZ & transfer taxes.
This drives up the cost of building enormously.
/2
The state leg should preempt most such fees, IZ, & taxes, ***and create a substitute source of local revenue.***
My preferred alternative: a state parcel tax assessed on the "net potential square feet" or "net potential units" created by upzoning pursuant to state law.
/3
Could L.A. really land in the Builder's Remedy penalty box, just for f'ing around with a single low-income housing project which a nonprofit developer wants to build on city-owned land?
In October, @California_HCD sent L.A. a sharply worded letter, warning that the city's housing element had relied on the Venice Dell project both as a "pipeline project" and as part of the city's strategy to "affirmatively further fair housing."
/2 hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/…
The HCD letter also flagged five "policies" and two "programs" in L.A.'s housing element that per HCD should "facilitate the project."
The city's course of action has been "inconsistent with these policies."
Cooking in San Diego: A turquoise, 23-story test of the Permit Streamlining Act's new-and-improved "deemed approved" proviso.
This could turn into a big constitutional battle.
🧵/22
Enacted in 1977, the PSA put time limits on CEQA and other agency reviews of development proposals.
If an agency violated the time limits, the project was to be "deemed approved" by operation of law. Wow!
It proved wholly ineffectual.
/2
As @TDuncheon & I explained, courts first decided that the Leg couldn't possibly have meant for a project to be approved before enviro review was complete.
- San Francisco almost certainly must approve this 25-story project on a site zoned for 4 stories
- The city's new ordinance deregulating density in "well-resourced areas" will operate as de-facto downzoning of such sites
🧵
This project's site is zoned for retail use and is currently occupied by the Marina Safeway.
The zoning classification also allows residential use at density of 1 unit per 600 sqft of lot area or density of nearest residential district, whichever is greater.
/2
The nearest residential district, RM-4, allows density of 1 unit per 200 sqft of lot area.
That translates into 567 units on site.
Developer proposes to build 790 units, which requires a 39% density bonus (790/567 = 1.39).
By describing the credible commitment problem (the need to reassure developers of new housing or energy that their project won't face price controls for a very long time) I didn't mean to imply, as some critics on the right insist, that the problem is insurmountable.
/2
I think the problem can be greatly mitigated:
1. By offering DC-style "certificates of assurance" to developers, i.e., recordable contracts for compensation if the project is subjected to price controls within a defined period of time.
/3