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Oct 15 2 tweets 4 min read Read on X
Here is a "plain speak" of the esotericism you see in Marx & post-Marxism. This whole 🧵is doing it.

Once, there was a primordial state of unity consciousness. Divine sparks flowed freely without husks or hierarchies. This unity was instinctive and embryonic, like the Garden before the Fall.

Then, the rupture! The rupture arc begins when humanity reaches in too soon, grasping prematurely for knowledge or power without full vessel strength. This echoes the Tree of Knowledge in Genesis, where the grasp causes contraction and shattering. From this cosmic and historical fall, the false power center of the dominant order emerges. It fractures the whole into marginalized and alienated fragments, imposing profane hierarchies that veil the divine light.

The rupture manifests through many forms of disruption, not limited to one event like primitive accumulation. Primitive accumulation serves as a key modern example of initial dispossession, where resources, lands, and relations are seized to create inequalities. Broader ruptures include any structural violence, from ancient exiles to ongoing enclosures of class, race, gender, or ecology. From these, a false center crystallizes as the hegemonic core. This hegemonic core pretends to be natural and inevitable while sustaining itself through extraction and illusion.
Marginalization displaces people, ideas, and potentials to the periphery, treating them as excess or threat through exclusionary borders.
Alienation follows as estrangement severs individuals from their labor, communities, and essence, breeding isolation and transactional bonds.
Reification and commodity fetishism, termed kelipot in Kabbalah, harden living relations into inert things. Institutions and ideologies act as autonomous forces, trapping divine sparks of vitality, creativity, and justice in obscuring husks. This perpetuates alienation by making social dynamics seem like unavoidable laws. Hegemony and ideology maintain the false center by manufacturing consent through narratives, media, and culture. They erase the rupture's origins and suppress dissent until sparks of truth, resistance, or unmet needs start to circulate and demand elevation.

It's important to note that this is not Gnosticism. Unlike Gnosticism, which rejects the material world as inherently evil and irredeemable, this framework sees matter and history as fractured yet holy, containing redeemable sparks that humans can restore through active partnership with the divine.

The Elect awaken as those who gain clarity through suffering, insight, or revelation. They form a vanguard collective, not a hierarchical elite, acting as helpers to God in the redemptive drama. In the esoteric tradition at the point of Luria, they aid the divine self-repair after the Shevirah by gathering scattered sparks and mending the Godhead. This partnership makes them co-creators in the repair of the world (tikkun). They map the ruptures by tracing lines of disruption and marginalization. You will commonly see this as "doing the work." They sift and elevate authentic sparks from the margins, converting traumas into moral charge for collective fuel. They forge a shared vessel through networks, assemblies, and theories that amplify these sparks without reification. They articulate a vision of reparation based on relational wholeness, equity, reciprocity, and ecological harmony.

Within theory, this important change of passive to active repair occurred between Hegel (passive) → Moses Hess (active)→ Marx (active) and perhaps the best single paper is Moses Hess' 1843 work marxists.org/archive/hess/1… .

Praxis as theurgy becomes their sacred work. From the Greek for god-work, it means theory-guided ritual action that aligns human effort with cosmic restoration. Far more than activism, it includes strikes, mutual aid, cultural subversion, or technological reclamation. These acts raise sparks from husks with intentionality or kavanah, reshaping the vessel through embodied solidarity. This dissolves alienations and turns critique into material change. The Elect embody humility, surrendering as conduits for divine light rather than owners of it. As the elect, they lead the charge to reverse the divine contraction or tzimtzum, expanding consciousness to reclaim wholeness. There is much spilt ink within leftist theory about 'collective consciousness raising,' and you will see that within the🧵.

The final state of all this is a complete repair and return to the unity consciousness but at a higher stage. The false center faces full negation. The power wheel abolishes dialectically, shattering illusions of reification, hegemony, and scarcity. Mechanisms like enclosures or colonial legacies expose as contingent husks and empty of sparks. This revelation liberates without residue, dismantling ideology and fluidifying relations into conscious interconnections. Alienation ends as bonds de-reify.

The unfairly marginalized rise in redemption (they claim, not in revenge, lol). The dispossessed, traumatized, and unproductive move to the core, their sparks of suppressed knowledge and resilience liberated to heal wounds. They reclaim agency and belonging, becoming co-architects who infuse vitality the old false center lacked. Worthy elements from the prior order, like purified technologies or knowledge, integrate at a superior level. This synthesis reconciles opposites in dynamic, non-hierarchical harmony, realizing Ein Sof socially. The repair fosters radical reciprocity, transmuting scars into abundance, shattering kelipot to release light, and yielding to participatory praxis.

In this closure, the arc returns existence to prelapsarian harmony, evolved beyond dualisms through ongoing theurgy. Eternity raises sparks to prevent new husks. The world rebirths collectively.

Unwavering commitment is required, because anything less just perpetuates the wheel -hence the gulags and graves. Leftists never seem to be able to close the loop on this point and their claim of a revenge, death-free revolution.

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More from @Ne_pas_couvrir

Oct 19
Let's do a few long posts laying out Hess's influence on Marx. 🧵
So, Hegel absorbs Böhme's Ungrund-myth and the Lurianic cycle into philosophy, drawing from sources like Johann Jakob Brucker's Historia Critica Philosophiae, whose treatment of Kabbalah is largely Lurianic, as well as Swabian Pietists like Oetinger who reworked Lurianic ideas and synthesized them with Böhme. Hegel encountered Lurianic Kabbalah directly through Knorr von Rosenroth's Kabbala Denudata, which he cited in his lectures, referencing Abraham Cohen Herrera's Porta coelorum (Magee). Pure Being contracts, like Ein Sof, in tzimtzum, yielding Difference and Nothing; this self-limitation explodes as Nature, a world of finite forms mirroring shevirat ha-kelim, where Spirit's light is refracted into opaque shards. History becomes the labor of Weltgeist, a collective agent gathering sparks through determinate negation (Aufhebung): each contradiction is preserved, lifted, and woven into fuller unity, a rational tikkun without human agency. The triad of Logic-Nature-Spirit thinly secularizes theosophy, with categories unfolding like the Sefirot in dialectical reconciliation, culminating in the ethical state where freedom realizes itself.
Hess inherits this Lurianic-infused Hegelian framework, blending it with Spinoza's monism from the Ethics, which treats thought and extension as modes of a single substance and informs Hess's vision of a reconciled community. While Kant's regulative teleology in the Critique of Judgment and his providential view of history in the 1784 "Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Aim" provide a background for seeing progress as purposeful (albeit antagonistic), Hess anchors this teleology in human agency, secularizing it into praxis through his "philosophy of the deed" and making communal reconciliation the product of conscious action rather than inevitable unfolding (Hess, "Philosophie der Tat"; Avineri).
Hess then transposes the Lurianic-Hermetic grammar from Hegel and others into praxis. Drawing from Spinoza, Hegel, and his own Judeo-Christian synthesis, already framed by the eschatological horizon of The Holy History of Mankind (Avineri; Rosen), Hess secularizes the Lurianic motifs of withdrawal (tzimtzum) and repair (tikkun) into a philosophy of the deed (Philosophie der Tat), insisting in the early 1840s that abstract theory must unite with action to overcome social fragmentation (Avineri). Critiquing Hegel for allowing Geist to unfold somewhat independently through history, Hess argues that human deeds must consciously drive its realization, infusing a theurgic element in which collective praxis enacts a secular tikkun with human agency that repairs alienation by intentional action rather than divine intervention (Rosen). From Philosophie der Tat and the draft Entwurf in the Moses Hess Papers, IISH Amsterdam, Nachlass B 21, the guiding maxim is best treated as an inference: “we act, therefore we are,” paired with his demand for the “union of thought and deed” grounded in organic social life (Hess, “Philosophie der Tat”; Rosen. In this essay he privileges act over being, recasts the Cartesian cogito, and states that not being but the act is first and last (Hess, “Philosophie der Tat”). He popularizes this activist program in catechetical form, notably the 1846 “Communist Confession in Questions and Answers,” which presents communal ownership as the “Kingdom of God on earth,” and he reframes withdrawal and repair as alienation and communal restoration to be achieved through organized deeds rather than private edification; he also condemns private property as the “money-devil” that estranges humans from their species-essence, calling for ethical socialism to mend it (Hess, “Über das Geldwesen”; Avineri ). As Avineri and Rosen show, this catechism-style socialism supplied forms, slogans, and draft materials that circulated into the Communist Manifesto, even as Marx criticized its prophetic tone (Avineri; Rosen).Marx learns from Hess but later contests his esoteric language, superficially erecting a materialist scaffold over the esoteric structure to camouflage its magical appearances while retaining its core. Hess's influence on Marx and Engels in the early 1840s is hard to overstate. Hess was the man who convinced Friedrich Engels of communism: as Engels recalled, "Last year, when I was about to travel to Paris, he came through Cologne from Berlin; we spoke about contemporary issues, and he, a revolutionary of the Anno I [French Revolution], left me as the most fervent communist" (Rosen).
Read 12 tweets
Oct 5
Let's🧵 "plain speak" collective consciousness raising esoterically. Collective consciousness raising works on two levels. There's an exoteric layer that's out in the open and helps bind people together. Then there's an esoteric layer that's more hidden and provides the deeper meaning or engine behind it all. Groups use these layers to wake up to some kind of perceived problem or rupture in the world and then chase a goal oriented fix.
First, let's look at the exoteric layer. This is the out in the open coordination system.
What it is includes shared narratives, moral codes, catchphrases, and organizations. For example, things like "justice" in social justice movements or "our people" in ethnos movements.
What it does is get people moving through protests, pilgrimages, campaigns. It signals belonging with flags, hashtags, badges. It legitimizes leaders as interpreters of the story. It recruits and polices boundaries with membership rules, loyalty tests.
Where you see it is in schools, media, law, manifestos, etc. These lead to holidays, oaths, dress codes, policy talking points.
It scales to the masses, but it takes its direction from the hidden layer.
Now let's shift to the esoteric layer. This part is like the engine under the hood of a car. It runs quietly in the background but powers everything. The esoteric layer explains why the group even exists in the first place. It points out who the special "elect" or chosen ones are. These are the people or figures tasked with leading the way. It also lays out how to fix what is broken in the world. At its heart, this layer is a concealed metaphysics or myth. Metaphysics here means a way of thinking about the fundamental nature of reality. The myth is a story that gives structure to that thinking. Together, they paint the big picture. They describe where everything came from originally. They explain what went wrong, like a rupture or withdrawal that caused division or loss. And they map the path back to repair and wholeness, restoring what was lost.

This esoteric layer supplies both meaning and method for the group. It always includes several key components. First is cosmology, which is the overall story of the universe or reality. It maps the source of everything, the ruin or breakdown that happened, and the way to get back to harmony. Next is what I want to tentatively call anthropology, which defines who or what carries the repair work. This could be souls in a spiritual sense, a chosen people in a national or religious context, or all of humanity in broader ideas. Then there is soteriology, a term for what actually does the saving or repairing. This might involve rituals, actions, or sacred practices. Finally, there is praxis for the elect. Praxis means practical action. For the chosen ones, it involves required disciplines, or specific steps.

The esoteric layer relates to the exoteric by giving it purpose. The hidden myth provides the why behind the visible actions and symbols. When the esoteric ideas change over time, the exoteric elements like slogans, rites, and institutions eventually adjust to fit the new understanding.
Read 9 tweets
Oct 4
Good question. Let's do a🧵In this [withdrawal → rupture → repair → wholeness] model there is no separate demiurge. Distortion unfolds inside one reality. the decisive events occur within the One (say a unity consciousness, a Godhead, Geist), not by a rival maker, and they treat the break and the mixed condition that follows as the pivot of the story. This framework resists dualism. What can look like a secondary creator is framed as an appearance of the One’s activity rather than an independent being.
The opening move is a narrowing that makes historical room, followed by a break in the ordering of things that leaves a residue. This process is internal within (the Geist, the oneness), and the framework is explicit re; the internality of this process and the persistence of a trace after contraction; this explains how fragments can still bear the mark of the source even in a damaged field.
Read with Marx, the narrowing corresponds to an early, more fluid social matrix before large-scale expropriation. The break corresponds to primitive accumulation, the violent start that tears shared resources from common life and concentrates them. The residue names the living capacities that continue within the new order after the tear. Out of this tear a false center coalesces. It looks natural and necessary, yet it is reproduced by social practice. Marginalization pushes people to the rim of this center. Alienation names the estrangement that follows. Reification names the hardening of living relations into rigid shells that conceal their human origin. The classic image of a dense outer shell parallels this hardening while never implying a rival maker. These “shells” are residues and blockages that depend on leaked vitality and human failure, and they can be thinned and reversed through right practice.
Read 9 tweets
Sep 8
Sure. 🧵Let's start with the revolutionary period and the regions within the US. Woodard is instructive if we're to look at America's regions.
Treat the Declaration’s “self-evident” truths as asserting a realist natural-law ontology (inalienable rights grounded in creation order), taught in America largely via Scottish Common Sense Realism (SCSR) (Reid/Witherspoon), layered onto Lockean natural-rights politics and consent-based constitutional design. The question for each region is twofold:
1. Ontology: Did they accept the realist grounding of rights?
2. Application: How did they translate it into institutions/law?
The Northeast (Yankeedom): The Ontology was broadly affirmed. SCSR easily reinforced this “self-evident” stance.
Application? Town-meeting localism, compulsory schooling, moral legislation, clergy-statesmen—comfortable using government for public-good projects. In the Revolution, a leading edge for mobilization and institutional reform.
But there's a tension. This region tends to extend the moral order into programmatic state action, pushing beyond minimal rights-protection toward reformist (sometimes moralizing) governance.

New York (Dutch-rooted commercial pluralism): The ontology was bracketed in favor of practical coexistence. It's a trading cosmopolis prized conscience, press, and commercial freedom. it's more procedural than metaphysical.
Application? They were strong champions of pluralist rights (free exercise, press, due process). At Philadelphia, this translated into vigorous protections that crystallized in the Bill of Rights.
But there's a tension. This region can treat the realist-natural-law frame as optional background, insisting the polity work even when citizens disagree about ultimate metaphysics.

Midlands (ol Quaker Pennsylvania & German Backcountry): Ontologically, Quaker “Inner Light” and German pietism made elites cautious about metaphysical policing. Meaning, they could accept natural-law language yet refuse to weaponize it.
Application? It's anti-coercive, de-centered government; religious toleration, civil peace, local diversity of lifeways; steady support for federalism and suspicion of crusading projects that were more popular in Yankeedom.

Now, down south, lets look at:

Tidewater (Chesapeake gentry): They theoretically affirmed the ontology (Virginia rights discourse, classical republican virtue) but in practice, it's hedged by hierarchy and deference. The application is that there's rights and and consent for the gentlemanly order, and that coexists with slavery and estate power. So there's strong constitutional craftsmanship, but it comes with built-in aristocratic inflections.

In the Deep South (West-Indies inflected): The ontology is carved out in practice. Rights are a privilege for the planter class; and the enslaved people are excluded.Image
Fast forward a few years, and you have a clash between Northern and Deep South interests.
Northern interests were for revenue for the new state and protective duties for shipping and manufactures; comfortable using national instruments to cultivate a common good political economy.

Meanwhile, the Deep South was interested in an export regime (rice/indigo, later cotton) needing low tariffs to import British goods cheaply and keep markets open; hostile to policies that raise input costs or empower a central fiscal state.

The divergence is visible from the 1789 Revenue Tariff and Hamilton’s program and hardens through the 1816/1824 tariffs, culminating in the 1828 “Tariff of Abominations” and Nullification (1832–33).

Philosophically, it reprises the earlier fault lines described above: one side affirming a national capacity to order the common weal; the other resisting national encroachments that threaten its social order.
So Jacksonianism (1828-1840) was as a messy coalition bargain to navigate the deepening fault lines between Yankeedom's reformist zeal and the South's hierarchical order, ultimately functioning as a fragile truce that delayed but could not resolve the inevitable collision.

From New England, Yankeedom's utopian current, rooted in Puritan communalism and revitalized by the Second Great Awakening, barreled southward, economically and ideologically.

Economically the pressure manifested in Yankeedom's push for protective tariffs and internal improvements (e.g., roads, canals) to nurture shipping, finance, and manufacturing. All of this directly squeezed Southern planters who exported staples like cotton into British markets and demanded low duties with minimal federal intrusion. Jackson's administration, knitting together Deep South elites, Appalachian smallholders, and Northern urban mechanics via Van Buren's mass party, wielded muscular executive tools (vetoes, patronage, Unionism) to curb this statism from the North. The Maysville Road veto (1830) halted federal infrastructure funding, while the 1833 Compromise Tariff scaled back duties to appease Southern sensitivities, even as the Force Bill (1833) shielded the Union against South Carolina's nullification over tariffs. All of these concessions were temporary solutions.

The pressure was not only economic; it came through moral-engineering initiatives like common-school crusades, Sabbatarian and temperance movements, penitentiary, asylum improvements, and a growing tide of abolitionist agitation.

All of this pressure from the North clashed existentially with the Deep South's plantation aristocracy, which viewed it as coercive overreach threatening their landed hierarchy, religious individualism, and traditional values. The conflict between the two regions continued to boil over.
Read 4 tweets
Aug 3
Again, they think they're an elect, awakened to a spiritual drama of rupture, exile, & obligated repair, where trauma defines authenticity. The goal is for them to lead a collective consciousness to elevate the marginalized, sublate the oppressor, & then utopia happens.
Again, they think they're an elect, awakened to a spiritual drama of rupture, exile, & obligated repair, where trauma defines authenticity. The goal is for them to lead a collective consciousness to elevate the marginalized, sublate the oppressor, & then utopia happens.
Again, they think they're an elect, awakened to a spiritual drama of rupture, exile, & obligated repair, where trauma defines authenticity. The goal is for them to lead a collective consciousness to elevate the marginalized, sublate the oppressor, & then utopia happens.
Read 47 tweets

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