Hebrew media forced to admit what occupation spokesmen and their Western mouthpieces will never say in English: the most elite “Israeli” commando unit, Sayeret Matkal, spent two years attempting covert POW rescue missions inside Gaza, and repeatedly failed in humiliating fashion.
In one of the most catastrophic debacles, the unit breached a house in Khan Yunis after “precise” intelligence briefings and high-tech surveillance, expecting an easy extraction. Instead, Qassam fighters responded within seconds, unleashing a torrent of grenades and gunfire that wounded several commandos, including serious injuries, and instantly flipped the script.
The supposed “POW rescue” ended with the “Israeli” captive dead in the crossfire, while the resistance fighters coolly withdrew, taking the body with them and erasing any chance for the occupation to claim even the propaganda win of retrieving remains.
Yedioth Ahronoth’s exposé goes further, detailing how “Israeli” commanders, under intense political pressure, aborted other high-profile operations at the last minute, not out of “restraint,” but sheer terror that Hamas would ambush the elite units yet again.
The generals themselves admit in Hebrew: the intelligence was never solid, the risk of failure was ever-present, and their high-tech gadgets were no match for resistance discipline, local preparation, and layered defenses. Some POWs weren’t even killed by Hamas, but by “Israel’s” own frantic airstrikes, as generals and politicians rushed for “results,” sacrificing their own men in chaos and confusion.
Every incursion was met by a resistance force that owns the ground, dictates the tempo, and leaves “Israel’s” special forces limping home empty-handed, bloodied, exposed, and outplayed in their own language. The myth of “Israeli”supremacy doesn’t survive the reality of Gaza’s streets; even the occupation’s own newspapers are forced to spell it out.
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The Palestinian resistance factions have issued a unified statement backing the sweeping security campaign being led by the Ministry of Interior and National Security across Gaza.
They commend the ministry’s efforts to restore order, enforce the law, and actively pursue collaborators, mercenaries, thieves, bandits, and anyone working with the Zionist enemy, affirming that this is not a factional campaign but one enjoying full national consensus and the direct support of all resistance security arms.
The statement makes clear that the purpose of this operation is to bring security and stability back to Gaza, uprooting crime dens and agent networks created by the occupation and its intelligence proxies. Every member of the security forces and the Ministry of Interior is recognized for their sacrifices, and the resistance frames these sacrifices as a source of pride for every Palestinian and every free person in the world.
The statement makes clear that the purpose of this operation is to bring security and stability back to Gaza, uprooting crime dens and agent networks created by the occupation and its intelligence proxies. Every member of the security forces and the Ministry of Interior is recognized for their sacrifices, and the resistance frames these sacrifices as a source of pride for every Palestinian and every free person in the world.
The Qassam Shadow Unit, its very name sends tremors through the corridors of Zionist intelligence, symbolizing the highest form of clandestine warfare and security professionalism in the modern era. To outsiders, it’s a ghostly entity, no faces, no leaks, no statements, just flawless execution and results that leave adversaries bewildered and in awe.
The Shadow Unit is not simply a collection of elite fighters; it is a disciplined, intelligence-driven institution that operates in absolute silence, away from the clamor of media and the chaos of the battlefield. Every operation is guided by rigorous strategy, meticulous planning, and an obsessive commitment to secrecy.
The men of this unit do not seek fame; their names do not circulate on social media or news broadcasts. Their existence is measured solely in the tangible impact they deliver and the secrets they keep, often against impossible odds.
From its founding, the Shadow Unit has become the black box of the resistance. It holds and protects the most sensitive files, chief among them the Israeli POW, managing their captivity, movement, and security under the nose of the most advanced intelligence apparatus in the world. Mossad, Aman, Unit 8200, and every arm of the occupation’s intelligence have thrown their entire arsenal at hunting this unit, but all they find are dead ends and vanished traces.
Mahmoud Issa, Al-Quds-born, architect of resistance, and the “dean” of Hamas prisoners, is among the most feared and steadfast leaders the occupation has ever tried to break. Born in Anata, northeast of Al-Quds, in 1968, Issa joined Hamas upon its founding and, with a cadre of Al-Quds youth, built the first Qassam cell in the city: Unit 101. Their mission, kidnap Zionist soldiers to exchange for Palestinian prisoners, became the new grammar of asymmetric warfare in occupied Al-Quds.
In December 1992, Issa led the legendary operation to capture Israeli soldier Nassim Tolidano, demanding the release of Hamas’s founder, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin. The occupation refused, so Unit 101 executed the soldier and dumped his body in the street, a move that triggered a massive, vindictive crackdown: thousands arrested across the West Bank and Gaza, and hundreds of resistance leaders exiled to Marj al-Zuhur in south Lebanon.
Issa’s cell continued its campaign: targeting Israeli soldiers in Khadera, eliminating police, and wounding officers in direct action throughout 1993. After six months of relentless pursuit, Mahmoud Issa and his closest comrades, Musa Akari, Mahmoud Atoun, and Majid Qutaysh, were captured in June 1993. The Knesset announced with relief the dismantling of the “most dangerous cell” in Al-Quds.
“Israel prefers Hamas”, yet it has spent decades assassinating every generation of its leadership. From Sheikh Ahmad Yassin and Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi in 2004, through the commanders who built the movement’s endurance under siege, Salah Shehadeh, Ahmed al-Jaabari, Raed al-Attar, to the senior command martyred in Tufan al-Aqsa: Haniyeh, al-Sinwar, al-Arouri, and their comrades.
No colonial regime “prefers” the men and women who deny its permanence. It fears them. The Zionist state annihilated Gaza’s universities, bombed the camps, slaughtered entire families, and then celebrated the killing of every name on that wall of martyrs, proof that what it “prefers” is submission, not survival.
Every image of a fallen leader refutes that western fantasy. These were the same people who led Gaza through blockade, rebuilt tunnels under siege, held elections that the world refused to honor, and redefined endurance itself as political legitimacy.
What’s unfolded is the kind of inflection point that rewrites the operating system of occupation and resistance.
We watched, in real time, as the occupation threw the full weight of its military, surveillance, and diplomatic machinery at Gaza, total blockade, relentless bombardment, psychological warfare, and the full force of Western narrative discipline.
And still, after two years of siege layered atop a genocidal war, the resistance not only withstood the storm but forced a ceasefire on its own terms, wresting prisoner releases and surviving intact as an organized force.
The core lesson is the myth of Israeli omnipotence has been structurally shattered.
Not just by rockets or raids, but by the refusal to break, by the imposition of cost, and by the persistence of organized will.
The ceasefire is not a final peace or a full liberation, but a signal that the machinery of control can be stalled, that deterrence has fractured, and that the resistance remains an actor able to impose dilemmas and shape events.
For the resistance, this is a brutal proof of concept. Gaza’s endurance, the collapse of Israeli red lines, the unraveling of the “invincible army” narrative, and the forced negotiations over prisoners, all represent new leverage points for future battles, both military and psychological.
The region’s axis is shifting. Deterrence is now multidirectional, escalation dominance no longer rests with the occupier, and the world is forced to reckon with a population that cannot be erased.
Between October 2023 and September 2025, the United States delivered at least $21.7 billion in direct military aid to Israel, according to formal reporting streams. This aid includes $17.9 billion disbursed in the first year of war, with another $3.8 billion provided in the second year.
These numbers reflect congressional appropriations, Foreign Military Financing (FMF), offshore procurement for Israel’s domestic weapons industry, direct replenishment of U.S. stockpiles shipped to Israel, special funding for ammunition procurement, and outlays to boost U.S. arms production lines specifically to meet Israeli demand.
As a breakdown: $8.1 billion in FMF, $725 million for offshore procurement, $5 billion for missile defense (Arrow, Iron Dome, David’s Sling), $4.4 billion to replenish weapons already drawn down and transferred, $801 million for direct ammunition procurement, and nearly $200 million earmarked solely for expanding U.S. production capabilities to sustain the flow.