This was a complex/nuanced discussion on "overcapacity". Thanks for writing it @wstv_lizzi as it is an important topic.
It presented a number of interesting ideas which make sense on their own but I struggled to tie them together under a "grand unifying narrative" related to the "China Model".
The challenge of the "overcapacity" narrative is trying to use it to summarize "China Model" into a neat, compact narrative. But trying to summarize something as complex as China's economy into a neat model is exceedingly difficult.
(as an aside, the piece read like a writer struggling to force-fit an article within pre-defined narratives/framing set by an editor)
Two key problems I've found in the "overcapacity" debate that I'll go into more detail in this 🧵:
1⃣ Unclear/conflated definition of the term "overcapacity"
2⃣ As you drill down down from the macro/national level to individual sector level, you find many sector-specific idiosyncrasies that contradict core elements of "grand unifying" theme around "overcapacity".
1⃣ Defining "overcapacity" itself
"Overcapacity" has become a loaded word, especially when described in the context of the broad "China Model" in the current geopolitical environment.
In regular industrial/manufacturing usage, overcapacity is simply a state/condition where capacity utilization is below a certain "normal" threshold. This threshold may very by sector and different operating conditions.
Standard capacity utilization is defined not only by physical capital stock, but also by an active labor force operating on a normal shift schedule (typically 2 shifts per day, 5 days per week, or 80 hours / week).
But the way that it is being used in policy/economic/geopolitical discussion is in a much more undefined/amorphous way that goes well beyond the standard industry/mfg definition.
For instance, in this passage it is implicitly defined as production beyond domestic demand. But the implication here is that Chinese companies should not be able to have free access to global markets.
IOW how the term is used/defined appears to reflect implicit policy objectives of one particular side in the ongoing trade war.
Carefully inserted vocabulary like "deluge" and "sinister" peppered throughout the piece subtly signal how "overcapacity" is being normatively framed.
I have highlighted this issue of conflating the standard well-understood definition of "overcapacity" with this broader more expansive use of the term.
There are real excess capacity issues in the ICE sector, a result of the unexpectedly rapid transition to EVs obsoleting many formerly productive ICE models and their respective assembly lines in the factory.
Ofc the irony in the context of the "China Model" is that this excess capacity is primarily concentrated in the operations of foreign JVs which (i) did not invest in viable EV models and (ii) were specifically structured to serve the domestic market (e.g. China-specific models), making it difficult to divert available factory production to export markets.
In other words, these real overcapacity issues have nothing to do with the "China Model" at all.
It also matters how you define and calculate overcapacity.
In rapidly growing industries like EVs, it makes little sense to calculate capacity utilization on the basis of trailing demand compared to projected future capacity.
3⃣ Production capacity and the nature of competition
There is also no universal standard for what constitutes an appropriate target capacity utilization threshold for an industry.
Ultimately, companies compete with each other for market share and production capacity is only one component of how they compete.
The cost of production capacity shows up in the form of accounting depreciation, which attempts to match the upfront costs of capitalized expenditures to the use of that asset over time.
How capital assets are depreciated will vary from industry to industry based on the different types of asset categories used in the production and distribution of assets.
So the standard threshold in one industry like EVs might be different than in a commodity product like steel or solar PV.
Depreciation is only one component of cost of goods sold and operating costs.
The proportion of depreciation within broad expenditures can reflect its importance as a competitive differentiator in that particular sector.
For example, depreciation is a very large cost factor in chip manufacturing, especially for advanced nodes where the cost of a single lithography machine can be in the hundreds of millions.
But it is relatively low in the production of a high-value consumer electronic good like the iPhone, where most most of the value is in the assembled technology components like the SoC, memory, camera module and screen.
The point is that you cannot point to "overcapacity" as a universal explanation for the "China Model".
How the actual "China Model" manifests itself in all its strengths and weaknesses depend on the specific sector or segment of the value chain we are talking about.
"Overcapacity" might be the output of the "China Model" in some sectors but not in others.
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I can see that folks are already starting to wildly misinterpreting what this chart says and this seems like another one of these Rorscarch tests on China.
Let's nip this in the bud: this is IP share of services exports, which comes from Balance of Payments accounting.
That China does not license IP is not an "indictment", it's a statistical quirk that requires some deeper understanding of the BoP and how it maps against real-world trade and investment realities.
If you read the official court documents (link in ALT), it is very clear that the underlying reason driving the eventual takeover of the company were the prospect of escalation in U.S. trade sanctions under the 50% rule, which was officially released on September 29th.
A detailed timeline of the events described in the legal brief clearly show that the entire series of events were instigated by the addition of Wingtech, which indirectly owned/controlled 100% of Nexperia, to the Entity List.
To characterize the primary reason for the takeover as "financial misconduct" ignoring that the the "financial misconduct" was directly linked to Wingtech's addition to the Entity List is highly misleading and disingenuous.
No. The reason why it has a monopoly today is because China has:
(i) made significant technology and process advances that effectively isolate/mitigate the effects of the environmental damage — concentrated in the up/midstream mining and separation phases — on society, and
(ii) invested in human capital / specialized manufacturing equipment and optimized steps in the downstream processing stages, including deep integration with end-product manufacturing (e.g. permanent magnets which make up the bulk of use cases by economic value)
Whether simply ignorance or worse, inability to recognize — e.g. by implicitly attributing it on Chinese society simply having a higher tolerance for pollution through this type of moral grandstanding 👇 — is frankly one of the key reasons why minimal real progress has been made to address a strategic vulnerability that has been known for decades.
I'd once again encourage folks to listen to this podcast from @twittwoods who has been studying the development of China's rare earths industry and was really the first one to clue me into just how much investment has bene made to raise environmental standards, especially since the mid-2010s.
It's always helpful to understand the "variant view" and I'd encourage you to read Alex's for his.
I DM'ed him why I thought this one was flawed, in supporting the prediction of a 2027-2030 crisis point.
Here are the key points:
1⃣ Systemic risk from the property and LGFV sector have been contained
2⃣ American MNCs make more money off China than vice versa
3⃣ There are more vulnerabilities beyond rare earths
4⃣ Assumption of stasis in China's efforts to catch-up in its areas of vulnerability (advanced chips, global financial system)
5⃣ Last but probably most significantly: ignoring what have actually been China's greatest vulnerabilities — dependence on fossil fuels and iron ore — and the rapid progress China is making to address this — which ultimately affects its geopolitical calculus / internal assessment of leverage.
This was obvious when you saw coal >20 PWh (total power demand in China is ~11 PWh). These figures include heat loss from combustion.
It's like accounting for heat loss from fusion energy produced at source (the sun) for solar/wind power.
What's relevant is that coal proportion of electricity generation has fallen from a peak of ~79% in 2011 to ~54% in 2025 and will likely fall to <20% by 2035.
Meanwhile oil has peaked and I expect it to decline by ~1/3rd by 2035, driven principally by electrification but also increasingly green hydrogen for industrial use cases.
Professor Setser's contention here is that China's errors & omissions (E&O) are "implausibly" low.
He also believes that declining E&O in response to a change in statistical methodology that explicitly aims to address statistical mismeasurement doesn't make sense and instead offers his own speculative theory.
The former is wrong. The latter is absurd.
First some background. There are two categories of E&O:
▪️ Real capital inflows/outflows that purposely evade official reporting for various reasons (e.g. illicit flows, tax evasion, trade misreporting etc.)
The typical range for E&O as a % of trade flows is under 1% for advanced economies and 2-5% for "emerging markets and developing countries".
The global average is 2-3% of trade with advanced countries above and emerging ones below.