The British Jewish community’s significant participation in World War I (1914–1918):
British Jews served in numbers far exceeding their proportion of the population, produced five Victoria Cross winners, and played a decisive role in the Palestine Campaign, while simultaneously fighting prejudice at home. Their contribution is one of the most proportionally distinguished of any British religious or ethnic minority in the Great War.
Approximately 55,000–60,000 British Jews served in the British Armed Forces during WW1 (out of a UK Jewish population of ~250,000–300,000).
This represented ~20–25% of the adult Jewish male population, proportionally higher than the general British population (~17–18% of adult males served).
At least 2,800 British Jews were killed in action or died of wounds (some sources cite 3,000+).
Over 1,800 Jewish servicemen received gallantry decorations.
Two specifically Jewish units existed:
38th–42nd Battalions, Royal Fusiliers (“Judeans” or Jewish Legion): ~5,000 volunteers, many from Britain, but also Russia, USA, Canada, and ‘Palestine’. They fought in the Palestine Campaign (1918) under Allenby, capturing Jerusalem and pushing the Ottomans back.
Several hundred Jewish sailors and ~50 Jewish pilots (e.g., the famous “flying brothers” Louis and Archie Arenstein).
Here’s a list of Victoria Cross Recipients (Britain’s highest award for valor):
Lt Frank Alexander de Pass (Indian Army, attached 34th Poona Horse) – First Jewish VC of WW1 (awarded posthumously, 1914, Festubert, France).
Cpl Issy Smith (1st Manchester Regiment) – Australian-born British Jew; carried wounded under fire at Ypres, 1915.
Lt Leonard Keysor (Australian Imperial Force, but born in London) – Caught Turkish bombs and threw them back at Gallipoli.
Sgt Maj John Henry “Jack” Cohen (later founder of Tesco) – Served in Royal Flying Corps.
Brevet Lt Col John Patterson (commanded Jewish Legion; previously led Tsavo lion hunt in Kenya).
Other Distinguished Figures:
Captain Robert Gee MC (Royal Fusiliers) – Later MP; won MC and bar.
Lt Harold Rosher – One of the first Royal Naval Air Service pilots; killed 1916.
The Sassoon family: Siegfried Sassoon (famous war poet, MC) and his cousin Philip Sassoon (Under-Secretary of State for Air).
Rufus Isaacs, 1st Marquess of Reading – Lord Chief Justice, then Viceroy of India; coordinated Jewish recruitment.
Rabbi Rev. Michael Adler – Senior Jewish Chaplain to the Forces; visited every front.
Jewish Lads’ Brigade (founded 1895) became a major recruiting platform; thousands joined directly from it.
Jewish War Services Committee (1915) raised funds, provided comforts, and recorded every Jewish serviceman’s name (leading to the still-extant “Jewish Roll of Honour”).
Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann used Jewish military service as leverage for the Balfour Declaration (1917).
Despite high service rates, British Jews faced suspicion:
Recent Eastern-European Jewish immigrants (~120,000 in East London) were sometimes accused of avoiding service.
The government created the Jewish Legion partly to prove loyalty and counter propaganda.
Naturalisation laws were tightened; some Russian-Jewish volunteers were deported if they refused to enlist.
Memorials:
Jewish Military Museum (London) and AJEX (Association of Jewish Ex-Servicemen and Women) maintain records.
Cenotaph (Whitehall) includes Jewish names; separate Jewish war memorials exist in Willesden Jewish Cemetery and several synagogues.
The Jewish Legion’s service directly influenced the creation of Israel’s future army (many Haganah/IDF founders were Legion veterans).
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In the sweltering summer of 1917, amid the fog of London’s East End, a dream took shape in the form of weary tailors, shopkeepers, and immigrants who had fled pogroms in Russia. These were the men of the 38th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, the “London Battalion” of the Jewish Legion, volunteers who answered Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s impassioned call to arms.
“We will fight not as scattered Jews, but as a united force for our homeland,” Jabotinsky proclaimed in packed synagogues, rallying over 2,000 British Jews to enlist despite opposition from assimilated Jewish leaders who feared it would stoke antisemitism.
Commanded by Lieutenant Colonel John Henry Patterson, a Protestant Irishman famous for his exploits hunting man-eating lions in Kenya and leading the Zion Mule Corps at Gallipoli, the battalion formed as the first overtly Jewish unit in the British Army since Roman times.
They trained near Portsmouth, drilling in the mud with rifles that felt foreign in hands more accustomed to needles and ledgers, while Patterson instilled discipline and pride, declaring them “the descendants of the Maccabees.”
Across the Atlantic, in the bustling streets of New York’s Lower East Side, a parallel fire burned. David Ben-Gurion, a young Zionist exile from Poland, and Yitzhak Ben-Zvi pounded pavements and union halls, recruiting for the 39th Battalion, the “American Battalion.” “Join the fight to liberate Eretz Israel,” they urged, drawing in garment workers, students, and idealists from Poalei Zion and HaHalutz movements.
By late 1917, nearly 5,000 American Jews had volunteered, though only about half would see combat; the rest formed reserves. Under Colonel Eliezer Margolin, an Australian Jew hardened by Gallipoli’s trenches, they shipped out from Nova Scotia’s Fort Edward in February 1918, singing Hebrew anthems as they crossed the ocean to Egypt for final training.
Malaria ravaged their ranks in the desert camps, claiming lives before a single shot was fired, but the survivors emerged tougher, their uniforms emblazoned with the Magen David and the Hebrew motto “Kadima”- Forward.
By June 1918, both battalions converged in ‘Palestine’, the land of their ancestors, now a battlefield against the crumbling Ottoman Empire.
The 38th took positions in the Ephraim hills, 20 miles north of Jerusalem, staring down Turkish trenches under relentless sun and sniper fire.
In August, they shifted to the Jordan Valley front, linking British lines and advancing to As-Salt, where they garrisoned the rugged Gilead region, capturing prisoners and holding ground amid skirmishes.
The 39th, split in two, joined them in the valley campaigns, their American accents mixing with Cockney slang as they patrolled dusty wadis and repelled Ottoman probes.
Then came the thunder of September, the Battle of Megiddo, General Allenby’s masterstroke to shatter the Ottoman armies. On the night of the 19th, under a moonless sky, the 38th and 39th received orders: seize the Umm ash-Shert ford, the only bridge east of the Jordan near Netiv HaGdud, to punch a hole in the enemy’s flank.
Marching 12 miles from Jericho with pontoons and ropes, the men, 1,600 strong, faced 300-foot bluffs bristling with Ottoman machine guns and artillery.
The first wave faltered under withering fire; Captain Julian was rescued from drowning, a lieutenant wounded and captured, a private slain. But Jabotinsky, now a lieutenant in the 38th, led the second company across the swaying pontoon at dawn on the 20th, charging up the cliffs with bayonets fixed, capturing the bridgehead amid cries of “Shema Yisrael!”
The 39th surged forward too, grenades flying, silencing gun nests and taking hundreds of prisoners.
By afternoon, under a creeping barrage, they stormed the Shunet Nimrin redoubt, securing the ford and opening the path for Australian cavalry to pour through, pursuing the retreating Turks 60 miles toward Damascus.
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The cost was steep: 43 dead in the 38th, 23 in the 39th, many from malaria as much as bullets.
Yet their victory collapsed the Ottoman eastern front, leading to 35,000 Turkish prisoners in days.
Allenby praised them in dispatches: their “brilliant night assault” was decisive.
Ben-Gurion, a private in the 39th, reflected in his diary: “We ceased being a people of the book and became again a people of the sword.”
Post-armistice, the battalions garrisoned conquered lands, but British demobilization in 1919-1921 amid Arab unrest scattered them.
Veterans like Ben-Gurion, Ben-Zvi, and Levi Eshkol returned to ‘Palestine’, smuggling rifles and forming the Haganah, the seed of the Israel Defense Forces.
Jabotinsky founded the Irgun, drawing on Legion tactics.
In 1921, they defended Tel Aviv during riots, proving their mettle anew.
Patterson, at a 1935 reunion, saluted: “You boys did more than fight battles; you fought for the rebirth of a nation.”
Today, memorials at Avihayil’s Beit HaGdudim Museum and Kibbutz Gesher honor them, a testament to how 5,000 volunteers bridged exile and sovereignty.
In the frozen mud of Festubert, France, 24 November 1914, the air reeked of cordite and rotting flesh. The Western Front had already devoured thousands in its first brutal months, but for Lieutenant Frank Alexander de Pass, a 27-year-old London-born Jew serving with the 34th Prince Albert Victor’s Own Poona Horse, attached to the Indian Corps, it was about to demand everything.
De Pass, son of a wealthy Kensington merchant, had swapped a cushy commission in the Royal Artillery for the cavalry in India years earlier.
Rugby School rugby star, fluent in Urdu, fearless rider, he was the epitome of the Edwardian officer. But on this grey dawn, as German bombs rained into the British trenches, none of that mattered.
The Germans had dug a “sap”, a narrow tunnel thrusting like a dagger into no-man’s-land, only 50 yards from the Poona Horse lines. From it, they lobbed potato-masher grenades and sniped at anything that moved.
A sepoy lay screaming in the open, gut-shot, his cries drawing more fire.
De Pass didn’t hesitate. With two Indian sowars, he crawled forward under a hail of bombs. One exploded yards away, showering them with shrapnel. Another sepoy fell wounded. De Pass reached the sap’s entrance, a black hole spitting death.
He primed a Mills bomb, lobbed it inside. Boom. Screams. Then he charged in, revolver blazing, bayonet fixed. Hand-to-hand in the stinking dark: he shot one German point-blank, bayoneted another, destroyed the traverse (the reinforced bend that protected the trench from blasts). The sap was British.
But the wounded sepoy still lay out there, exposed.
De Pass dashed back into the open, bullets whipping the mud around him. He hoisted the man onto his shoulders, 200 pounds of dead weight, and staggered 100 yards through hellfire to safety.
Medics took over; the sepoy lived.
That should have been enough. But the Germans reoccupied the sap by nightfall. At dawn on 25 November, de Pass led another assault. This time, a sniper’s bullet found him. He died instantly, face down in the French soil he had fought to hold.
His Victoria Cross citation, gazetted 18 February 1915, reads:
“For conspicuous bravery near Festubert on the 24th November, in entering a German sap and destroying a traverse in the face of the enemy’s bombs, and for subsequently rescuing, under heavy fire, a wounded man who was lying exposed in the open.”
He was the first Jew ever to win the VC, the highest award for gallantry “in the face of the enemy”, and the first Indian Army officer in the war. Posthumous.
His father, too ill to collect it at Buckingham Palace, had the medal posted home.
De Pass’s body lies in Béthune Town Cemetery, Row D, Grave 3. His VC is displayed at the National Army Museum, Chelsea.
In 2014, on the centenary, a paving stone was laid in his honour outside the Ministry of Defence in Whitehall, the only Jewish VC hero of 1914 so commemorated.
As the Jewish Chronicle wrote in 1915: “Lieutenant de Pass has added another glorious name to the roll of Jewish heroes.”
The choking yellow fog of poison gas at St. Julien, Belgium, 26 April 1915, hell had a new smell, chlorine mixed with blood and burning flesh.
The Second Battle of Ypres raged, the first mass use of gas turning men into clawing, vomiting wrecks.
The 1st Battalion, Manchester Regiment, was shattered, their lines a slaughter pen under German machine-guns.
Among them was Acting Corporal Issy Smith, born Ishroulch Shmeilowitz in Alexandria, Egypt, to Russian-Jewish parents.
At 11 he’d stowed away to London, worked the East End markets, lied about his age to enlist at 14. By 1914 he’d served in India, retired to Australia, then raced back to war when called up as a reservist.
Now 24, small, wiry, unbreakable, he was about to become immortal.
The Manchesters were pinned near a stream before St. Julien Farm. Sergeant William Rooke fell, shot through the groin, screaming 250 yards out in the open. Bullets kicked mud fountains around him.
Gas drifted low. No one moved, suicide.
Issy Smith moved.
He vaulted the parapet alone, sprinting bent double through the storm. Machine-guns traversed, stitching the ground behind him. A bullet grazed his scalp, blood pouring into his eyes. He reached Rooke, slung the 180-pound sergeant across his shoulders like a sack, and ran back, 250 yards under direct fire the whole way.
He dumped Rooke behind the sandbags, gasping, then went out again. And again. All day.
Fifteen wounded men dragged or carried to safety while the guns never stopped.
One private later said: “Issy was everywhere, cool as ice, swearing in Yiddish at the Jerries.”
Gassed himself, lungs burning, he kept going until darkness fell.
His VC citation, gazetted 20 August 1915:
“For most conspicuous bravery near Ypres on 26th April 1915, when he left his company on his own initiative and went well forward towards the enemy’s position to assist a severely wounded man, whom he carried a distance of 250 yards into safety whilst exposed the whole time to heavy machine-gun and rifle fire.
Subsequently Corporal Smith displayed great gallantry, when the casualties were very heavy, in voluntarily assisting to bring in many more wounded men throughout the day…”
He was the second Jew to win the VC in the war (after de Pass), awarded also the French Croix de Guerre and Russian Cross of St. George. King George V pinned it on him at Buckingham Palace. He toured Britain recruiting, drawing thousands, once refused service in a Leeds restaurant “because you’re Jewish,” despite the medal on his chest.
Issy survived the war, emigrated back to Australia, became a Melbourne JP, stood for parliament.
Issy died 1940, buried with full military honours in Fawkner Cemetery’s Hebrew section. His grandson later said: “He never talked about it. Said any decent bloke would’ve done the same.”
But not every bloke did.
The night sky over the Somme was on fire.
14 July 1916 – the exact moment the Battle of Bazentin Ridge turned from victory into slaughter.
At 3:25 a.m., after a perfect creeping barrage, the 7th Battalion, Bedfordshire Regiment, swept over the German front line like a red wave. Among them strode a 28-year-old company commander from North London: Captain Robert Gee MC, already famous in the battalion for carrying a walking-stick into battle instead of a revolver.
Gee – born in a Leicester workhouse, raised in a Jewish orphanage, ex-Royal Marine, boxer, big, bald, fearless – had already won the Military Cross at Loos for knocking out three machine-gun posts single-handed.
Tonight he was about to write himself into legend.
The Bedfords reached their objective: a shattered wood full of concrete dug-outs. Then the counter-attack hit. Six hundred Prussians of the 183rd Regiment, drunk on schnapps and fury, came roaring back with stick-grenades and flamethrowers.
Gee’s company was cut off. Ammunition ran out. Men fell screaming as liquid fire cooked them inside their uniforms.
Gee didn’t flinch.
He grabbed a captured German Mauser rifle, fixed his own bayonet to it, and stood on the parapet like a mad prophet.
“Come on, you Bedfords! Who’s frightened of a few bloody Germans?” he roared in his thick Cockney-Yiddish accent.
A flamethrower team advanced to twenty yards.
Gee shot the operator, then charged the assistant, smashing his skull with the rifle butt.
A stick-grenade exploded at his feet – shrapnel tore his left leg open to the bone.
He kept standing.
Another grenade burst beside his head – half his scalp hung loose, blood pouring into his eyes.
He tied it back with his puttee and kept firing.
When the last clip was empty he seized a pickaxe handle from a dead sapper and laid about him like Samson in the Temple.
German accounts later recorded “ein rasender englischer Offizier mit einem Knüppel” – a raging English officer with a club – who single-handedly broke their assault.
By 5:00 a.m. the Prussians had fled, leaving 120 dead around Gee’s tiny strongpoint.
He finally collapsed, still clutching the blood-soaked pickaxe handle.
Carried to a dressing station, he refused morphia until every private was treated first.
The MO counted 47 separate wounds.
His Victoria Cross citation – gazetted 11 January 1917 – is one of the shortest and most brutal on record:
“For most conspicuous bravery, determination and initiative when in command of a company which was held up by a strong enemy machine-gun post. Although wounded, he rushed the post single-handed, killed two of the crew and captured the gun. Subsequently he organised a party and captured a second gun. He refused to have his wounds attended to until all the other wounded had been cleared.”
He was the third British Jew to win the VC in the war, and the only one to survive it.
Gee recovered, returned to the front in 1918, then entered Parliament as Conservative MP for Woolwich East.
In 1930 he punched a Communist heckler unconscious on the terrace of the House of Commons – still using the same fists that saved the Bedfords.
He died in Australia in 1960, aged 84, and is buried in Perth with full military honours.
His VC is displayed at the Bedfordshire & Hertfordshire Regimental Collection, Luton.
Even the official German history of the Somme admits:
“Gegen diesen einen Engländer war kein Kraut gewachsen.”
(“Against this one Englishman, no remedy availed.”)
The sky above Nieuport-Bains, Belgium, on the night of 9–10 July 1917 was lit by a thousand German star-shells.
The North Sea wind howled like a shofar across the flooded dunes, carrying the stench of rotting corpses and high explosive.
In a shallow trench 300 yards from the German wire stood Lieutenant Harold Rosher, Royal Naval Air Service, No. 4 Squadron.
Age 23. Born in Alexandria to a Sephardi Jewish family, educated at Harrow, already holder of the DSC for bombing Zeebrugge from a seaplane.
Tonight he flew a Sopwith Camel on the most dangerous mission of the war: the first night-bombing raid on German soil.
The target: the Kaiser’s personal U-boat pens at Ostend, 40 miles behind the lines.
If the pens were destroyed, the U-boats choking Britain’s lifelines would be crippled.
Rosher took off at 23:47 from Furnes airfield in pitch darkness, no radio, no parachute, no landing lights.
His Camel carried four 50-lb Cooper bombs and a single Lewis gun.
Fuel for 2 hours 20 minutes.
No margin.
He flew at 200 feet across the flooded Yser, dodging German searchlights that stabbed the sky like white spears.
Over Dixmude a 37 mm pom-pom shell burst beneath him, shrapnel shredded his lower wing.
He kept flying.
At 00:31 he reached Ostend docks.
The pens were floodlit, easy targets, impossible to miss.
He dived vertically from 800 feet, released all four bombs in one stick, and pulled out so low his propeller clipped the water.
Three bombs hit the mole.
One struck the roof of U-boat pen No. 7, direct hit.
U-87 was inside.
The explosion lit the night orange for miles.
German witnesses later reported “a single English aircraft destroyed an entire submarine and killed 29 crew.”
Rosher turned for home, now with 47 minutes of fuel left and half his wing shot away.
At 01:12, over the Nieuport dunes, his engine coughed and died.
He crash-landed in the sand, nose-first, at 90 mph.
The Camel cartwheeled, broke in half, threw him 30 yards.
He was alive.
But the Germans had seen the crash.
A patrol of the Marine-Division Flanders was coming.
Rosher, left arm broken, face smashed, blood pouring from a head wound, crawled from the wreckage.
He dragged himself 400 yards through shell-holes to the British wire, dragging his Lewis gun behind him.
When the Germans were 50 yards away he opened fire, emptying the drum.
Three fell.
The rest ran.
A Royal Marine patrol found him at dawn, still clutching the gun, whispering the Shema in Hebrew.
He was carried back on a stretcher made from rifles and greatcoats.
The Admiralty communiqué the next day read simply:
“Lieutenant H. Rosher, RNAS, carried out a successful attack on Ostend docks and returned safely.”
They never mentioned he was Jewish.
They never mentioned he destroyed a U-boat single-handed.
They never mentioned he was recommended for the Victoria Cross, then quietly downgraded to a bar to his DSC because “night bombing is experimental.”
He refused to accept the bar.
Wrote to the Admiralty:
“Either give me the VC or nothing. I did it for the Jews, not for ribbons.”
They gave him nothing.
Rosher flew again three weeks later, arm still in plaster, and was killed on 21 August 1917 when his Camel spun in during a dogfight over Middelkerke.
His body was never found.
His name is on the Air Services Memorial at Hollybrook, Southampton.
In 2017 the RAF finally admitted the cover-up.
On 9 July 2017, exactly 100 years later, a Typhoon from 41 Squadron flew over the same dunes and dropped a wreath into the North Sea with the Hebrew inscription:
“לזכרו של גיבור יהודי – To the memory of a Jewish hero.”
Letter from Rosher refusing DSC bar, 3 August 1917 (Imperial War Museum private papers 87/32/1): iwm.org.uk/collections/it…
Jewish Chronicle obituary, 31 August 1917: thejc.com/archive (search “Lieutenant Harold Rosher RNAS”)
RAF centenary tribute flight, 9 July 2017: raf.mod.uk/news/articles/…
Full biography: “The Night Bomber” by Chaz Bowyer (Kimber, 1977) – uses Rosher’s logbook and German records.
Commonwealth War Graves Commission (missing): cwgc.org/find-records/f…
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In November 1918, just three days after the Armistice, the most famous Jewish poet in the English-speaking world wrote a short, searing tribute to the 38th–42nd Royal Fusiliers (the Jewish Legion) and to every British Jew who had served.
It is called “Jerusalem 1918” and was first published in The Jewish Chronicle on 22 November 1918, then reprinted in every synagogue magazine, every AJEX newsletter, and every Israeli schoolbook for the next century.
The author: Siegfried Sassoon, MC, the most decorated Jewish officer of the war (though he had converted to Catholicism in childhood, he never denied his Jewish blood and wore the Magen David cufflinks his mother gave him into every trench).
He wrote it in a single night at the King David Hotel, Jerusalem, after visiting the Western Wall with Colonel Patterson and Ze’ev Jabotinsky.
The original manuscript – stained with red wine and Sassoon’s tears – is now in the Imperial War Museum.
Here is the poem in full:
Every year on Yom Hazikaron, the Israel Defense Forces band plays “Kadima” – the Jewish Legion marching song – immediately followed by a soldier reciting Sassoon’s poem over the graves at Mount Herzl.
It is the only English poem officially part of Israeli state ceremony.
As Sassoon wrote in the margin of the manuscript:
“For the boys who turned exile into empire with a rifle and a joke.”
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Original manuscript (Sassoon’s handwriting, dated 14 Nov 1918):
Imperial War Museum Documents.1985 iwm.org.uk/collections/it…
• Sassoon’s diary entry, 13 November 1918 (while staying at King David Hotel with Patterson):
“Drunk with Jabotinsky till 3 a.m. – he made me promise to write the Legion poem. Did it at dawn. Felt like Moses.”
Published in Siegfried’s Journey 1916-1920 (Faber, 1945), p. 224 archive.org/details/siegfr…
Colonel Patterson’s confirmation (letter to Sassoon, 20 Nov 1918):
“Your poem brought tears to every Judean veteran. We are sending it to every man in the battalions.”
Jewish Legion Museum, Avihayil archive jewishlegion.org/sassoon-letter…
Israeli Ministry of Education official syllabus (still taught in every 10th-grade history class): meyda.education.gov.il/files/Mazkirut… (page 7 – poem mandatory)
Recording of Sassoon reading the poem (BBC, 11 November 1938 – 20th anniversary of Armistice): bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/p0… (starts at 14:30)
AJEX (Association of Jewish Ex-Servicemen and Women) annual Remembrance booklet – the poem is printed every single year since 1919: ajex.org.uk/remembrance-bo…
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The story of Babi Yar is one of the most tragic and horrific episodes of the Holocaust, reflecting the brutality of Nazi mass murder during World War II. Babi Yar is a ravine located on the outskirts of Kyiv, Ukraine, where tens of thousands of Jews, along with other groups, were systematically executed by Nazi forces in 1941 and subsequent years.
In June 1941, Nazi Germany launched Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of the Soviet Union, which included the occupation of Ukraine. Kyiv, the capital of Soviet Ukraine, fell to German forces on September 19, 1941. The Nazis implemented their genocidal policies against Jews and other groups deemed undesirable, including Romani people, Soviet prisoners of war, and Ukrainian nationalists. The Einsatzgruppen, mobile killing squads, were tasked with carrying out mass shootings of civilians in occupied territories.
Babi Yar became infamous as the site of one of the largest single massacres of the Holocaust, emblematic of the “Holocaust by bullets,” where victims were shot in mass executions rather than deported to death camps.
The Massacre of September 29–30, 1941
On September 24, 1941, shortly after the German occupation of Kyiv, a series of explosions rocked the city, destroying German administrative buildings. The Nazis blamed Jewish residents for the sabotage (though it was likely carried out by Soviet agents). In retaliation, the German authorities, led by Einsatzgruppe C, decided to exterminate Kyiv’s Jewish population.
On September 28, 1941, the Germans posted notices around Kyiv ordering all Jews to assemble near the Jewish cemetery on the morning of September 29, under the pretext of “resettlement.” The notices instructed Jews to bring documents, money, valuables, and warm clothing. Many believed they were being deported, not executed.
On September 29–30, 1941, an estimated 33,771 Jews were rounded up and marched to Babi Yar, a large ravine northwest of Kyiv. There, they were forced to undress, surrender their belongings, and line up at the edge of the ravine.
Einsatzgruppe C, assisted by German police units and local collaborators, systematically shot the victims in groups. Men, women, and children were gunned down, their bodies falling into the ravine, which became a mass grave. The killings were carried out with ruthless efficiency over two days, with survivors buried alive under the weight of the dead.
The massacre was meticulously documented by the Nazis themselves. Reports from Einsatzgruppe C, particularly Sonderkommando 4a under SS-Standartenführer Paul Blobel, confirmed the death toll of 33,771 in those two days. This figure, drawn from Nazi records, is considered precise, though the total number of victims at Babi Yar over the course of the war is much higher.
Babi Yar remained a site of executions throughout the German occupation of Kyiv (1941–1943). In addition to Jews, the Nazis killed Romani people, Soviet prisoners of war, Ukrainian nationalists, and others at the site. Estimates suggest that between 100,000 and 150,000 people were murdered at Babi Yar during the war, though exact numbers are difficult to verify due to the scale of the killings and later efforts to conceal them.
In 1943, as the Soviet Red Army advanced and the Germans faced defeat, the Nazis attempted to cover up their crimes at Babi Yar. Under Operation 1005, led by Paul Blobel, prisoners from nearby camps were forced to exhume and burn the bodies to destroy evidence of the massacres. Many of these prisoners were subsequently killed to eliminate witnesses.
Despite these efforts, the scale of the atrocities could not be fully hidden.
Aftermath and Soviet Suppression
When Soviet forces liberated Kyiv in November 1943, the horrors of Babi Yar came to light, though the full extent of the massacre was not immediately publicized. The Soviet government, under Joseph Stalin, downplayed the specifically Jewish nature of the killings, framing Babi Yar as a crime against “Soviet citizens.”
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This suppression of the truth delayed recognition of Babi Yar as a central site of the Holocaust.
Survivors’ testimonies, such as that of Dina Pronicheva, a Jewish woman who escaped the massacre by pretending to be dead, provided critical accounts of the events. Pronicheva’s survival and testimony, along with others, helped preserve the memory of Babi Yar despite official silence.
In the post-war years, Babi Yar remained a contested site of memory. The Soviet authorities neglected the site, and in the 1950s, plans were made to fill in the ravine and develop the area for urban use. A 1961 poem by Russian poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko, titled “Babi Yar,” brought international attention to the massacre and criticized the Soviet government’s refusal to acknowledge its Jewish victims. The poem begins with the famous lines:
Yevtushenko’s work, later set to music in Dmitri Shostakovich’s Symphony No. 13, sparked public debate and highlighted the need for proper commemoration. In 1976, a monument was finally erected at Babi Yar, but it referred only to “Soviet citizens” and omitted mention of Jewish victims. It was not until Ukraine’s independence in 1991 that Babi Yar began to be recognized specifically as a site of Jewish martyrdom.
Today, Babi Yar is a major Holocaust memorial site. In 1991, a menorah-shaped monument was dedicated to the Jewish victims, and in recent years, the Babi Yar Holocaust Memorial Center has been established to preserve the history of the massacre, educate the public, and honor the victims. The site remains a place of pilgrimage, reflection, and remembrance.
The Babi Yar massacre is a stark reminder of the scale and brutality of the Holocaust, particularly the “Holocaust by bullets” in Eastern Europe, where millions were killed in mass shootings rather than in camps. It underscores the complicity of local collaborators, the indifference of some bystanders, and the resilience of survivors who bore witness. The event also highlights the challenges of historical memory, as political agendas shaped how Babi Yar was remembered or forgotten for decades.
The story of Babi Yar continues to resonate as a call for remembrance, justice, and vigilance against hatred and genocide. It serves as a somber testament to the consequences of antisemitism and dehumanization, urging future generations to confront and prevent such atrocities.
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Dina Pronicheva, a young Jewish woman living in Kyiv, saw the notices posted around the city on September 28, 1941, just days after the Nazi occupation began. The orders, issued by the German authorities, demanded that all Jews assemble near the Jewish cemetery on Melnikova Street at 8 a.m. the next day, bringing documents, money, valuables, and warm clothing for “resettlement.” Dina, like many others, was uncertain but hopeful, believing the Nazis’ lie that they were being relocated to a ghetto or labor camp. She packed a small bundle of belongings, kissed her family, and prepared to comply, unaware of the fate awaiting her.
Kyiv’s Jewish community, numbering over 70,000 before the war, was gripped by fear and confusion. Some suspected danger, but the Nazis’ deception, combined with the threat of death for disobedience, compelled thousands to obey. Dina, a slight woman with a performer’s poise, joined the throng of families, elders leaning on canes, mothers clutching children, young men and women whispering nervously, as they streamed toward the assembly point.
On the morning of September 29, Dina stepped into the streets, joining a river of people moving toward the designated area near the Jewish cemetery. The air was thick with tension. German soldiers, SS men from Einsatzgruppe C’s Sonderkommando 4a, and local collaborators barked orders, their rifles and batons prodding stragglers. The crowd swelled, thousands strong, a procession of Kyiv’s Jews, grandparents, infants, the sick, the healthy, all trudging under the weight of their meager possessions.
As Dina approached the ravine at Babi Yar, a sprawling gully on the city’s outskirts, the atmosphere shifted from uneasy compliance to dread. She heard distant screams and the rhythmic crack of gunfire, like a metronome of death. The crowd slowed, bottlenecked at checkpoints where German soldiers and Ukrainian auxiliaries separated families, shouting in German and broken Russian. Dina’s heart pounded as she saw people stripped of their bags, coats, and shoes, their belongings tossed into chaotic piles. The pretense of resettlement began to unravel.
Dina, quick-witted and observant, noticed non-Jewish onlookers gathered at a distance, some curious, others jeering. She briefly considered passing as a non-Jew, but her papers marked her as Jewish, and the risk was too great. She stayed in the crowd, her actress’s instincts urging her to blend in, to stay calm. But the closer she got to the ravine, the clearer it became: this was no deportation.
The Nazis had organized the massacre with chilling efficiency. Dina was funneled into a narrow corridor of barbed wire and soldiers, a gauntlet leading to the edge of Babi Yar, a deep, sandy ravine about 150 meters long and 30 meters wide. The air reeked of gunpowder, blood, and fear. As she neared the killing zone, she saw the truth: naked bodies, men and women, young and old, lined up in rows, trembling, sobbing, or silent in shock. German soldiers, wielding machine guns and pistols, stood at the ravine’s edge, while others patrolled, beating those who resisted with rifle butts or clubs.
Dina was ordered to strip. She peeled off her coat, dress, and shoesწ
System: undergarments, shivering in the cold September air. The pile of clothes grew, coats, dresses, children’s shoes, prayer shawls, strewn across the ground like the debris of a shattered community. Herded forward, she saw the ravine below, already littered with bodies, some still twitching, blood pooling in the sand. The gunfire was deafening, a relentless staccato, as victims were shot in groups, tumbling into the pit.
A leaked document has exposed a disturbing truth: NGOs are feeding propaganda to independent media, pushing agenda-driven narratives riddled with inconsistencies and lies. This revelation, regardless of political affiliation, should alarm anyone who values a fair and free press. If such manipulation is happening unchecked, what else are we being misled about? This assault on journalistic integrity demands urgent accountability to safeguard honest reporting and public trust.
J’accuse !
NGOs wielding influence over the media can distort public discourse by prioritising their agendas over objective reporting. When these unelected organisations use funding, exclusive access, or insider relationships to shape narratives, they risk undermining the democratic role of a free press. A truly independent media should focus on rigorous investigation and amplifying diverse voices, not serving as a mouthpiece for NGOs with specific ideological or political goals. This dynamic threatens the public’s ability to access unfiltered information, which is essential for informed democratic participation.
The danger lies in how NGOs can subtly or overtly pressure media outlets to align with their narratives, whether through financial incentives or by positioning themselves as gatekeepers of “credible” information. This can drown out dissenting perspectives and create a homogenized version of the truth that serves the NGO’s interests rather than the public’s. For democracy to function, the media must remain a neutral arbiter, challenging all sources, NGOs included, and fostering open debate rather than amplifying curated agendas.
J’accuse!
NGOs Hijack Media to Push Anti-Israel Agenda
On the 86th anniversary of WWII’s start, 150+ media outlets in 50 countries, from The Independent to RTVE, are set to launch a coordinated attack on Israel, orchestrated by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and Avaaz. Dubbed the “Global Media Blackout,” this campaign accuses Israel of killing 210 journalists, blocking Gaza access, and attacking press freedom - while suppressing scrutiny of Hamas and PIJ terrorism.
Leaked documents reveal RSF and Avaaz dictating newsroom narratives, stripping editorial independence, and enforcing synchronized coverage with blacked-out front pages, scripted broadcasts, and unified messaging. This isn’t journalism, it’s propaganda, designed to sway UN votes for Palestinian statehood.
Media Manipulation
PR Jihad
Let’s start with the land , firstly, our people have thousands of years of history on the land. One of our oldest and most holy cemeteries is called the Mount of Olives. It’s the largest Jewish cemetery in the world. It has been in use since King David made Jerusalem his capital 3,000 years ago. The cemetery holds about 150,000 graves, but there may even be more. Prominent Jewish Biblical figures, great statesmen, creators, and religious leaders are buried on this sacred ground.
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Name me one ‘Palestinian’ building, artefact or even person from history ….. here’s ours :
After their parents and other relatives were murdered in a massacre of around 5,000 Jews on December 8, 1941,
Tuvia, Asael, Zusya and Aharon Bielski, fled to the Belarusian forest and set up a partisan unit with Tuvia Bielski as the commander.
However, unlike other partisan groups, fighting the enemy was not their highest goal. Their primary objective was to rescue Jews and to offer them shelter and protection in the forest.
The brothers did not only admit those who were able to fight, but every Jewish woman or man, no matter whether the person was young or old, healthy or sick, a fighter or a noncombatant. Tuvia Bielski explained that he “… 𝑤𝑜𝑢𝑙𝑑 𝑟𝑎𝑡ℎ𝑒𝑟 𝑠𝑎𝑣𝑒 𝑜𝑛𝑒 𝑜𝑙𝑑 𝐽𝑒𝑤𝑖𝑠ℎ 𝑤𝑜𝑚𝑎𝑛, 𝑡ℎ𝑎𝑛 𝑘𝑖𝑙𝑙 𝑡𝑒𝑛 𝐺𝑒𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑛 𝑠𝑜𝑙𝑑𝑖𝑒𝑟𝑠.”
Fighters were sent to the ghettos and hiding places of the towns of Nowogródek and Lida to convince people to escape from the ghettos and to join the brothers in the forest.
This was not an easy task. Many ghetto inmates were not interested in leaving the ghetto. Unlike the Bielski brothers who were familiar with the forest given that they had lived in it all their lives, most city or town people had no idea how to live in the woods. They wondered how one could live in the forest among trees, swamps, wild animals and mosquitoes. Some feared spending the harsh winters in the forest; others did not want to leave their families behind. Some were afraid of taking such a risk; others believed they would survive if they continued working for the Germans. They also felt that no further massacres would occur since the remaining population consisted of skilled workers.
Furthermore, each person escaping the ghetto endangered the lives of the remaining population. Some people feared the revenge of the Germans even more than they feared the hunger and the cold of the forests. They also did not believe that fighting the Germans would change the course of history – What could a few partisans do against an army that conquered all of Europe?
Moreover, Tuvia had been in the Polish army, and had military training, whereas most people from the towns did not know how to use a rifle. It was not an easy decision to go to the forest, fight Germans, Polish and Belarusian peasants and partisans, and look for food.
The Judenrat, the Jewish council, and the Jewish police tried to prevent escapes from the ghetto. They feared that the whole population would be executed if a single Jew was missing as the Germans often collectively punished not only those they caught trying to escape, but also others living in the ghetto.
Despite these fears and threats, escapes were attempted frequently. Many came to the conclusion that they would be killed anyway and preferred to die on their own terms. In the forest people were at least free and had an opportunity to resist, whereas in the German-controlled areas they were unable to do so.
The brothers had received weapons from a Russian partisan unit & were therefore able to protect themselves.
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The ones that had decided to escape had to slip through fences, holes and tunnels and walk through the countryside to the forest camp.
Some people found their own way into the forest. Because of the constant movement of the Bielski group especially during the first year, special scouts were sent out to look for people.
For many escapees, the house of gentile peasants served as a way station. There they were given food and a place to rest before members of the Bielski group would come to lead them to the base.
The group was dependent on their gentile neighbors without whom they would not have been able to survive. They helped the Jewish group regarding food, information, passing on messages to people in hiding or in the ghettos and hiding escapees.
In the forest the new members had to learn to adapt to their new surrounding in nature, which was important for their survival.
As the Bielski group grew bigger they faced different challenges and dilemmas.
The most pressing challenge for the fugitives was procuring enough food for the whole community. It became a fulltime occupation.
Young armed men were organized into small squads and put in charge of collecting food from peasants. The dilemma was to find out which peasant was trustworthy and would be able and willing to provide them with food. The Belarusian farmers were struggling to supply the Germans, and the Soviet partisans also confiscated food for themselves.
Other peasants refused to hand over their food to Jews, and sometimes informed the German authorities of Jewish partisans in the forests.
Protecting the camp from intruders, defending themselves against Germans and the local police was equally important. For this purpose camp members were set up as guards. All adults were required to do guard duty, except for the sick, the handicapped and the elderly.
Other small squads were sent out on dangerous missions to rescue Jews from the ghettos. In order to protect the camp and rescue Jews the members of the Bielski group needed to acquire weapons.
Other partisan groups or friendly peasants provided them with arms; many were also obtained through attacks against German outposts and troops.
Spending the harsh Belarusian winters with its freezing temperatures in the forest was deadly, and the challenge was to keep people from freezing to death and to deal with the members’ health problems.
One solution was the construction of insulated structures. Members of the Bielski camp cut down trees and dug holes. The surface of the roof was packed with dirt, branches, and vegetation to camouflage the structure from intruders. In the dugout there were lines of wooden bunks, usually covered with straw.
At the beginning of 1943 the group consisted of about three hundred people and additional dugouts were constructed. Close to each one of them was a campfire to warm the people and cook food.
Besides these challenges, the group also had to fight for their position in the forest among the non-Jewish partisans. Many Russian partisan groups were formed in the area as a result of the fast-retreating Red Army and the fast and unexpected attack of the Germans and their quick advance in 1941. Some of these Soviet partisans were suspicious of the Bielski partisans because they were a purely Jewish group with many noncombatants. Even though the cooperation was not always easy, the Bielski brothers worked together with Russian partisans against the Germans. They combined forces with the partisan unit of Viktor Panchenkov, a soldier who had served in the Red army and whose unit was overrun when the Nazis invaded in June 1941. The Bielski group became an official participant in the Soviet war effort. Several attempts by Soviet commanders to absorb Bielski fighters into their units were resisted, and the Jewish partisan group kept its integrity and remained under Tuvia Bielski's command. This allowed the group to continue in their primary mission to protect Jewish lives.
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By March, 1942 they started their first operations against Nazis and local collaborators.
As more Jews joined the group the Bielski brothers had to deal with internal problems and decisions.
The challenge was how to deal with opposition and internal struggle within the group and to keep a group structure. The group consisted of a diverse variety of people with different social backgrounds, religious and political beliefs.
Some people complained about the way the group was governed, and opposed the leadership of the Bielski brothers, others complained about the way the food was distributed among the members.
Even though the group differed from the average partisan group, the brothers maintained a strict military-style. This structure of total control of the Bielski brothers kept the group united and gave its members a better chance of survival. But it also elevated the importance of those involved in food and sabotage missions. These armed men had privileges such as better food and accommodation.
Another dilemma was the question of how many more people would be allowed to join the group. How many more people should be taken in who were unable to work or fight?
This would not only increase the burden placed on the armed fighters responsible for protection and finding food for the community, but also the likelihood of being discovered, as the group grew bigger. This again meant that they had to put themselves in more dangerous situations and had to deal with more gentile peasants.
Even though not everybody agreed with Tuvia Bielski and his views resulted in arguments, he continued to accept more Jews.
The most fearsome enemies, however, were the Germans and the local police.
In December 1942, the Germans launched the first of several major offensives in the forest and the Bielski group had to discuss protection. In the first months they had been constantly moving from one forest to another. Due to the harsh winters they started to construct more permanent camps, which they now needed to evacuate in case of a German attack.
The first evacuation took place in February 1943 when a pro-Nazi police force found the Bielski refuge in the Zabelovo forest through a trail of blood from an animal the fighters had caught. After one guard was killed, another opened fire against the police force. An immediate evacuation was ordered and the people in the forest base were urged to run deeper into the forest. The deserted Zabelovo base was destroyed and ransacked by the police and the camp members were scattered. Fearing another attack, the group decided to relocate and in April they moved to Stara-Huta, a forest near the brothers’ home village Stankiewicze.
The rapid growth of the camp’s population made it widely known and the group was again concerned about its safety and decided to move to a different location. The moving was a problem in itself as it was hard for the members – for the old, the sick and the children - to move and for the armed ones to protect them.
Before they were able to carry out their plans, they were caught by surprise when a German unit made their way into the forest in July 1943. The Germans had started another big offensive. They sent 52,000 soldiers to the forest to launch an extensive hunt and to liquidate all partisans in the forest. This operation was called “Hermann”.
German troops surrounded the forest and the Luftwaffe planes began circling.
The group left, abandoning everything they had collected over the last months. They gathered the group near the Neman River and decided to move to the Naliboki Puscha, about thirty kilometers to the east of Nowogródek, a forest filled with swampland in which it was difficult to find one’s way around. Before that they had kept close to the villages, now they were entering territory that was hard to penetrate. The dilemma they faced was transferring to an area in which they might be able to live more safely, but which they did not know.
The United Nations was founded as a forum of governments. This arrangement presented enough problems of its own. Now the UN, in contravention of its own charter, is rapidly evolving into a predatory, undemocratic, unaccountable, and self-serving vehicle for global government. The UN is unweildy, gross, inefficient, and incompetent. In addition, it is configured as to reach deep into the national politics of its member states and, by sheer weight and persistence, to force at least some of the worst of its agenda upon them all.
Let’s scratch the surface of the UNs gross human rights violations : A 🧵
The UN Human Rights Office is under fire for sharing the names of Chinese government opponents, including Uighur activists, Tibetans and Hongkongers, who took part in UN activities, for a long period.
The names of 50-70 people who are opponents of the Chinese government were handed over and among them are 8-9 people with US citizenship and 5-6 with German citizenship.
In September 2013, when Chinese human rights activist Cao Shunli tried to fly to Geneva to attend a session of the UN human rights council (UNHRC). Cao had submitted information on extralegal detention and torture in China to the UN and expressed the hope that if she could get even “50 or 100 words” into a UN report, “many of our problems could start to get addressed”.
Cao never made the flight. Police took her away at the airport, detained her for six months, and denied her medical treatment despite repeated warnings from her lawyer that her health was deteriorating, until it was too late. Doctors at the hospital expressed shock at her condition; it seemed she had simply been left to die in her cell. No state agent has been punished for her death.
Ten other Chinese activists, journalists, scholars, and lawyers are on a medical watchlist of political prisoners, launched after Cao’s death to draw attention to China’s practice of torture by withholding medical treatment.
The Chinese government under Xi Jinping has so far faced no meaningful repercussions internationally for the deaths in custody of prisoners of conscience. Domestically, state agents have enjoyed total impunity while family members, lawyers, friends, and supporters have been threatened, disappeared, detained, or tortured.
In fact, after Cao’s death, the UN general assembly re-elected China to the UN human rights council in 2016 by a greater number of votes than in 2013. Chinese Communist party mouthpiece the People’s Daily proudly heralded it as proof that China’s human rights progress had “received widespread approval from the international community”.
The UN have a decades-old pattern of sexual abuse and solicitation of prostitution in countries ravaged by natural disasters and conflict.
What's the point of peacekeepers when they don't keep the peace?
Rwanda, 1994. The nadir of many lows for UN peacekeeping.
Hundreds of desperate Tutsis sought refuge on the first day of the genocide at a school where 90 UN troops were under the command of Captain Luc Lemaire. Here, they were surely safe from the Hutus and their machetes.
The UN flag flew over the school. The Belgian peacekeepers were armed with machine guns, planted at the entrance. These soldiers were the world’s army. The Tutsis could not imagine they would stand by while people were slaughtered.
The UN in New York had ignored warnings that the genocide was being planned and the security council was pulling out peacekeepers in response to the mass killing.
Within days, the UN command decided there was more important work for Lemaire and his men than protecting Tutsis. The peacekeepers were ordered to abandon the school in order to escort foreigners to the airport and out of Rwanda.
As the soldiers left, Tutsis begged to be shot rather than left to the militia’s machetes. Within hours, the 2,000 people at the school were murdered by gun, grenade and blade.
The betrayal of the Tutsis in Rwanda was a low point for UN peacekeeping but not an isolated one. A year later, Dutch peacekeepers failed to stop the massacre of 8,000 Muslim men in Srebrenica, a supposedly UN “safe area”, the most notorious mass killing by the Serbs in Bosnia.
The UN is also grappling with persistent accusations of rape and sexual exploitation by its peacekeepers, which is further undermining confidence in the organisation, particularly in some of the countries where its soldiers are deployed. And there are added demands as the US presses for peacekeepers to take on a more aggressive role, particularly against armed Islamist groups in Africa.
In 2000, British forces landed in Sierra Leone after UN peacekeepers stood aside or fled an advance on the country’s capital, Freetown, by a notoriously brutal rebel group, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF). Several hundred peacekeepers surrendered to the rebels.
A British general, David Richards, was sent in by London to evacuate foreign citizens. Confronted with the RUF’s horrific record and the imminent killing of large numbers of civilians, he defied his instructions and used UK troops to spearhead a counter attack.
Richards, who went on to become Britain’s chief of the defence staff, said he was “staggered” to find that the Indian UN force commander, Major General Vijay Jetley, interpreted his mandate as that of a neutral intermediary. In Richards’ view the UN should have been siding with the elected government against rebels breaking a peace agreement.
“I had a real argument with Major General Jetley about this. The Indian hierarchy were very reluctant to lose a single person on a UN operation,” said Richards. “They were very reluctant to fight and that permeated quite a lot of the other contingents as well, to the point where I remember going in to the UN headquarters on my first day there in May 2000 and finding Jetley. I said General, we’ve got to stop the RUF, you’ve got to tell your people to fight. At least hold their positions. He was very reluctant to do it.”
India said its troops were sent to monitor the peace, not enforce it. The UN mission in Sierra Leone was further complicated by antipathy between some of the national forces, particularly Jetley and his Nigerian deputy, Brigadier General Mohammed Garba.
In an internal UN report, Jetley accused Garba and other senior Nigerians of being more interested in smuggling diamonds than keeping the peace. Nigeria’s military responded by accusing the Indian general of “trying to justify his ineptitude, inaction and inefficiency in the leadership of a multinational force”.
Mossad, the national intelligence agency of Israel, is known for its covert operations and intelligence-gathering capabilities. Here are some facts about Mossad:
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𝐅𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐲:
Mossad was established in December 1949, shortly after the founding of the State of Israel. It was created to gather intelligence, conduct covert operations, and ensure the security of the new nation.
𝐅𝐚𝐦𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐎𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬:
Mossad is renowned for several high-profile operations, including:
*Operation Eichmann (1960): Mossad agents captured Adolf Eichmann, a key architect of the Holocaust, in Argentina and brought him to Israel for trial.
*Operation Entebbe (1976): Although primarily an IDF operation, Mossad played a crucial role in gathering intelligence for the rescue of hostages taken by terrorists in Uganda.
𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐆𝐚𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠:
Mossad is known for its extensive network of spies and informants around the world. It often relies on human intelligence (HUMINT) rather than signals intelligence (SIGINT), which is more common in other agencies.
𝐓𝐚𝐫𝐠𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐀𝐬𝐬𝐚𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬:
Mossad has conducted numerous targeted assassinations of individuals deemed threats to Israeli security, including scientists and military leaders from hostile nations. The agency believes that these operations can prevent larger threats to Israel.
Cultural Influence: Mossad has inspired various films, books, and TV shows, portraying its operations and agents.
Productions like "The Spy" and "Fauda" reflect its significant role in popular culture.
𝐂𝐲𝐛𝐞𝐫 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞:
In recent years, Mossad has increasingly focused on cyber intelligence and warfare, adapting to the modern landscape of threats, which includes cyberattacks and digital espionage.
𝐂𝐨𝐥𝐥𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐎𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐀𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐞𝐬:
Mossad often collaborates with intelligence agencies from other countries, particularly those with shared interests, such as the United States, UK, and various European nations.
𝐑𝐞𝐜𝐫𝐮𝐢𝐭𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭:
The agency is known for being highly selective in its recruitment process, seeking individuals with unique skills, backgrounds, and languages. Many agents are often former members of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF).
𝐒𝐞𝐜𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐲 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐏𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐈𝐦𝐚𝐠𝐞:
Mossad operates under a veil of secrecy, and much of what is known about its operations comes from leaks, declassified documents, or the accounts of former agents. This secrecy contributes to its mystique and reputation.
C𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐫𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐦:
Mossad plays a crucial role in counterterrorism efforts, focusing on threats from terrorist organisations and hostile nations. They conduct operations to thwart attacks and gather intelligence on potential threats.
These facts illustrate the complexity and effectiveness of Mossad as a key player in global intelligence operations.
*Mossad bugged the home of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the United Nations in 1978 and discovered that Andrew Young, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, was holding talks with PLO officials there. The meeting was highly controversial, since the United States had already promised Israel that it would not meet directly with the PLO until the PLO recognised Israel's right to exist. The Mossad leaked the information, forcing Young to resign.
*A French Mossad agent placed a homing device in the Iraqi Osirak nuclear reactor, enabling Israel's precise 1981 bombing of the facility. The agent died in the attack.
*In 2017, two helicopters flew a team of commandos and Mossad operatives deep into Syria to gain information on a reported new Isis weapon.
They landed some miles from their target and proceeded in vehicles with Syrian Army markings before bugging the Isis cell and getting back out
Unit 8200, Israel’s signals intelligence corps, monitored the broadcasts from the bugs for several days before striking gold – an Isis soldier explaining how to create a bomb from a laptop that would fool airport security.
Israel quickly shared the details with the U.S. and Britain. A widespread ban on carrying laptops on planes was announced later that year.
The extraordinary story of Eli Cohen, Mossad’s Master Spy.
Eli Cohen was born in 1924 in Egypt to Jewish parents. Soon after Israel became independent in 1948, Eli’s parents moved to Israel, but he stayed in Egypt to complete an Engineering course. In 1951, the Egyptian government initiated an Anti-Zionist campaign which forced Eli to leave Egypt and return to Israel.
In 1957 the IDF approached him, offering him a job. He became a “Counterintelligence Analyst” It was a desk job, that Eli found boring and soon quit. He was very interested in joining Mossad and applied, he was rejected by Mossad because of his reckless attitude.
In 1960, Mossad Director Meir Amit was looking for a special agent to infiltrate Damascus. He interviewed plenty of candidates, but none of them were suitable for the position. He later started to dig into the files of the rejected candidates and came across Eli’s file, which impressed him. The Mossad approached Eli and recruited him.
Eli started rigorous training as a special field agent for a six month period where he was taught several intelligence-gathering techniques, the use of a radio transmitter, to write invisible letters & to speak in a Syrian accent.
In 1961, he left Israel, his wife & children & flew to Argentina, where he changed his identity to Kamel Amin Thaabet, a Syrian businessman. His cover was that he was returning to Syria after living in Argentina for years.
Kamel Amin (Eli) started to organise grand parties at his home where his guests were top singers, government and military officials of the Syrian govt. He started to gather intelligence and was transmitting the information to his Mossad bosses back in Israel.
Eli became friends with Amin Al-Hafiz who was the politician in the Ba’ath party of Syria. When the Ba’ath party came to power, Amin Hafiz was chosen to be the President of the Syrian Arab Republic. Since Eli’s friendship had turned into a strong bond with Amin, he was given a top position in the Syrian Defence Ministry. He was given a house next to the Army HQ. Eli was undercover & in a position to send radio signals to Israel under the shadow of the Syrian Army HQ.
Some of the top contributions of Eli Cohen was his strong intel, which helped Israel win the Six days war , the bombing of dam machinery that was cutting off the Jordanian river to Israel, which was their main source of water & bombing of Syrian bunkers placed at the borders to attack Israeli forces. Credit of capturing the Golan Heights goes to Eli Cohen, for his masterful intelligence input. Golan Heights contributes to 30% of Israel's water sources.
The Golan Heights was restricted to civilians but Eli was so influential in Syria that he was able to enter the area.
When Eli made his last visit to Israel in 1964, he had concerns that the new Syrian intelligence head, Ahmad Al - Suweidani was suspicious the intelligence leaks within the team were coming from Eli, whom he disliked. Eli told his bosses that he wanted to terminate his role and to be in Israel with his family, but Mossad requested one more mission. Eli agreed.
However, as Eli suspected , Ahmad Al Suweidani was searching out the mole in the team. He cut off all radio signals for two weeks & was actively investigating where the leak was coming from. Eli was unaware & continued his intelligence sharing as usual. He was caught red-handed by Syrian forces.
Eli had shared critical information for three continuous years whilst undercover in the Syrian defence ministry.
Eli was imprisoned & severely tortured for being a spy for Israel. He was later publicly executed on 18th May 1965.
The Syrians couldn’t digest that Eli was an Israeli, they even refused to hand over his remains to his family back in Israel.
Eli is famously known as “Our man in Damascus”. Many streets, schools, parks, & memorials in Israel have his name as gratitude for a national hero.
Mossad agents are cunning enough to even infiltrate into foreign defence ministries.