Gabriel Epstein Profile picture
Nov 11 16 tweets 5 min read Read on X
One month since the Gaza ceasefire went into effect, the death toll reported by the Hamas-run Health Ministry has increased by 1,968 to 69,182. What accounts for the increase, and what has the past month revealed about the death toll? 5 main takeaways:
1. Little of the post-ceasefire increase in the death toll comes from new deaths (13%). Instead, it comes from the bulk addition of deaths reported to the Health Ministry by families (61%), through a form open since Jan 2024, and recovery of previously unreported bodies (26%). Image
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In other words, the increase in the reported death toll is mostly about catching up by counting previously unrecorded deaths. This is to be expected. The Health Ministry can likely process family reports faster without fighting causing large numbers of new deaths.
2. Recoveries of bodies from the rubble and open areas have already fallen off sharply, matching the pattern observed in the January ceasefire. That indicates that most bodies that are simple to recover have been found. Image
This is also unsurprising. Many families knew the area to search for their relatives in, and the Civil Defense would have had a list of initial locations to check. The bodies that were easiest to recover would have found relatively quickly.
Heavy equipment has flowed into Gaza in recent weeks, but has not resulted in an uptick in bodies recovered — instead, it has mostly been used for clearing roads, preparing ground for displaced persons camps, and other tasks.
With the IDF in control of over half of Gaza, many areas (including all of Rafah, eastern Khan Younis, eastern Gaza City, and most of north Gaza) are inaccessible for retrieval of bodies. Another spike in recovery of bodies should be expected once the IDF withdraws further.
3. Some, though still few, dead militants are being identified as such on social media or by their families. Militant groups rarely publicize deaths and militants dying in combat zones are often not added to the death toll unless their family reports them.
Militant cells are often out of contact for long periods, and family members may not know the fate of militant relatives. That, plus Hamas’ repeated efforts to discourage ID of deceased fighters, makes them less likely to be counted than civilians.
4. New MOH data shows nearly 80% of deaths recorded via the family-reporting mechanism occurred during the first six months of the war, meaning the hospitals/morgues captured a higher share of deaths as time went on. That cuts against the idea of a massive undercount of deaths. Image
Note: This chart is based on the dates the MOH records the deaths as having occurred on, not when they were reported by families or processed by the MOH and then added to the death toll list.
With the family-reporting form open for over 22 months, this trend appears stable — for most of the war, if deaths were missed, it was because they weren’t taken to hospitals and weren’t reported by their family, not because the fatality-tracking system itself wasn’t functioning.
One major case of deaths likely missed by both mechanisms is those dying in remote/inaccessible areas (i.e., areas with the heaviest/longest fighting), who couldn't be brought to hospitals, but are also not reported by their families. Many militant deaths fall into this category.
5. Major unknowns preclude sharper conclusions about the death toll, including:
- Share of militants among counted deaths
- Scale of uncounted dead, and share of militants among it
- Scale of deaths from internal violence or Hamas executions
⁃ The number of natural deaths
Better approximations of the above—which will by nature be partial, contested, and require much more time and study—will help elucidate the full scale and structure of the death toll.
Sources:
Gaza MOH death toll lists: archive.org/details/moh-de…
MOH dashboard: sehatty.ps/public/#our-st…
Dashboard archive: archive.org/details/moh-da…
My May 2025 report assessing the Gaza death toll: washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysi…
Analysis of the July 31, 2025 MOH list: x.com/GabrielEpstein…

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More from @GabrielEpsteinX

Oct 20
Without comment on the rest, this part misses a key point: while the ceasefire is having an impact, WFP’s newfound success in getting aid to its warehouses came more than a week earlier, when WFP began to send aid via Kissufim crossing and may have begun using security. Long🧵 Image
WFP aid to Gaza was nearly uniformly looted from the time aid resumed on May 19 to the end of September. By a certain point, WFP aid being looted was the looting problem — Egypt/Jordan/UAE, other U.N. agencies, NGOs, and merchants adapted, but WFP did not. Image
But then WFP re-opened its bakeries in early October. At the time, I wondered if WFP had begun using Kissufim or hired security. Some of the major aid “insurance” groups also began claiming they were moving WFP aid from Kissufim to Deir al-Balah.
Read 20 tweets
Oct 18
According to “The Guardian" channel, associated with Hamas, the group has launched its efforts to: 1) collect dud Israeli munitions and left-behind equipment (L), and 2) recover any of its own lost or stolen "resistance weapons" (R). Further consolidation of power and arms. Image
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There are legitimate reasons to collect unexploded ordnance (UXO) and other military equipment — it is dangerous to civilians and inhibits search-and-rescue and reconstruction. But Hamas has long repurposed UXO into IEDs, and wants a near-monopoly on weapons inside Gaza.
Recovering its own lost weapons—whether from killed terrorists, stolen by others, or seized by clans or anti-Hamas militias in fighting—is also a priority. The current offer to Gazans is punishment-free, but Hamas claims to have a list and is threatening those who don't comply.
Read 6 tweets
Oct 13
The al-Majayda clan, which clashed with Hamas last week, has announced it will disarm and hand weapons over to Hamas following repeated assaults and threats against them. Hamas' bloody fight with the Dughmush clan and public executions of several members likely played a role. Image
Predictions of civil war in Gaza are overblown -- Hamas is by far the most powerful and coordinated armed actor, while those it is clashing with are usually limited in number and often geographically isolated. Clans see no point fighting Hamas if it is likely to stay in power.
Accordingly, most clans will seek to mediate or end their conflicts with Hamas. The Dughmush, for example, are appealing to their clan's role in the Palestinian resistance and distancing themselves from members involved in events that triggered the current round of fighting. Image
Image
Read 7 tweets
Aug 29
For those wondering, this is not U.N. aid. It is a warehouse controlled by the Egyptian Committee (ERC), which operates outside the U.N. 2720 system and moves/distributes aid on its own. This is one of three major state-led Gaza aid efforts — Egyptian, Emirati, and Jordanian. 🧵
A broader view of this yard is here, six seconds into an Egyptian Committee promotional video from Aug 26. The picture below shows a view inside the warehouse. facebook.com/61570901403004…Image
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The Egyptian effort is spearheaded by the Egyptian Red Crescent, and this week ERC is conducting a large-scale aid distribution after asking the headmen of Gazan families to register. The ERC claims this is on the scale of 100,000 food parcels. Image
Read 12 tweets
Aug 26
The U.N.’s Gaza aid channel is plagued by near-ubiquitous looting of food aid. But UNICEF has successfully delivered 380 tons of food in the last two weeks, while WFP and WCK have delivered none. The apparent key to UNICEF’s success? Hiring security. 🧵 Image
Non-food aid gets through at much higher rates than food, but even there UNICEF is particularly successful. Since the start of August, 82.1% of UNICEF aid has arrived successfully, at a higher rate than the Red Cross (11% successful) and volume than any aid org except WFP/WCK. Image
WFP’s explicit policy is for drivers to stop and allow looting once it becomes risky to maneuver. It has also rejected security coordination with the IDF, and has not hired private security. The result: 99.6% of WFP food aid looted post-July 1.
Read 19 tweets
Aug 21
The +972/Guardian articles alleging that the IDF’s internal data indicates it has killed fewer than 9,000 militants in Gaza misconstrues the available data, improperly combines IDF and Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry figures, and fails to ask key questions. Very long thread 🧵 Image
BLUF: Is it possible the IDF is overstating militants killed in Gaza? Yes. But these articles do not present a convincing case about the existence or extent of an undercount, and instead ignore data limitations and common sense to make a flashy claim.
First, militaries do often exaggerate enemy losses and conceal their own casualties, as both sides in the Russia-Ukraine war have. Hamas has also exaggerated operations (see their narrative of the major attack Wednesday) and does not reveal losses. Image
Read 34 tweets

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