In "The Symbolic Politics of Housing," @dbroockman @j_kalla & I showed that public opinion about housing policies correlates w/ affect towards the groups that the policies make salient (via framing or criteria in the policy itself).
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Readers asked, "But is the relationship causal?"
We set out to answer their question, focusing on a much-maligned group that ordinary people blame for high housing prices & rents: Real-estate developers.
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Working with a filmmaker and a real-life developer, we created short-form videos that sought to humanize the developer -- without conveying information about what her projects look like or how housing development affects prices or local amenities.
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In one video, the developer talks about her background, hobbies, and volunteer work.
In another, she explains that the investors in her projects are retirement funds for teachers, firefighters, and other sympathetic groups.
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In a third, she explains the mechanics of putting a project together, like a puzzle.
And in the last video, she talks about the experience of being harassed in a dark parking lot by project opponents after a public meeting.
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We randomly assigned survey respondents to watch one of these videos, or a placebo, or a news clip about a developer accused of criminal wirefraud.
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After watching the video, respondents answered two questions about support for housing policies in which developers are salient.
Using a "feeling thermometer," respondents also expressed how warmly they feel toward developers and other groups.
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We then estimated the average treatment effect of each video on affect toward developers and support for the two housing policies.
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Findings:
- the "pro-developer" videos increased warmth toward developers (by about 10-12 points on a 100-point scale)
- these videos also modestly increased support for allowing developers to build apartments "in your neighborhood," but...
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they had mixed effects on support for ministerial approval of developers' projects.
The "hostile neighbors" video actually *reduced* support for ministerial permitting despite increasing warmth toward developers. Perhaps it normalized expectation of a neighborhood veto?
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The news clip about the developer charged with fraud didn't reduce warmth toward developers (b/c people already think developers are fraudsters?), but it did reduce support for allowing developers to build apartments in one's neighborhood & for ministerial permitting.
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We can't prove that affect is the channel through which the pro-developer videos worked their effect on downstream policy preferences (and in the case of "hostile neighbors," something else is almost certainly going on).
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But we did ask several questions probing mechanisms, and in most cases the pro-developer videos similarly improved perceptions of developers with respect to everything we asked about. This is consistent with "warm glow" being the mechanism.
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Also, the effect size on the "allow developers to build apartments in your neighborhood" DV is about what one would expect if the observational (control condition) relationship between feeling thermometer ratings and this DV were causal.
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There's much more in the paper, including results which illuminate the potency of "anti-Wall Street" and "anti-luxury apartment" messaging.
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We also find an amazingly strong preference for localism in building.
Support for ministerial permitting increases by ~25 points when the actor applying for permits is a "small local homebuilder" rather than a "big real estate developer."
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This complements @leonardo_damico et al's explanation of lagging productivity growth in the homebuilding industry: The mass public is wary of predictable permitting for the firms that have stronger incentives to invest in construction R&D.
Thanks to @Arnold_Ventures for supporting this work, to the many scholars who provided feedback on our first-round results (motivating the video experiments), and to the @APPAM_DC 2025 participants who came to my talk on the new results. (Great conference!)
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I have great respect for @nealemahoney & @BharatRamamurti, but I just about pulled my hair out reading their op-ed this morning.
Price controls aren't going to be "a way out" unless their advocates can credibly commit not to apply them to today's projects tomorrow.
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The authors briefly acknowledge this concern at the end of their piece but offer nothing beyond a brief nod to sunset clauses and income targeting.
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They fail to acknowledge that the NYC controls that Mamdani campaigned on strengthening (w/o income targeting...) have been in place for 50+ years; that popularity of rent controls surely depends on them *not* being income targeted;
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I stumbled across the work of Arthur E. Stamps III this morning and, wow, my eyes have been opened!
He's was (is?) an architect in San Francisco who wrote scores of academic papers on the mass public's aesthetic preferences & the failure of "design review" to serve them.
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His studies show that San Francisco's Great Downzoning (1970s & early 1980s) was an answer to the public's genuine aesthetic dislike of residential dingbats and downtown "refrigerator towers."
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The city planning department had tried to address the public's dislike of midcentury "plain box" style by mandating bay windows. That yielded "Richmond Specials" -- a slight improvement, but still substantially disfavored by public relative to random sample of existing bldgs.
If builder's remedy comes to San Francisco, the city's anti-demolition / displacement rules go out the window.
For progressive supes & tenant orgs who believe what they say about those rules, enacting a compliant rezoning & constraint removal plan should be Priority #1.
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Explanation:
- s/t narrow exceptions, a city may not impose any local requirements on a builder's remedy project that EITHER (1) render project infeasible, OR (2) prevent a project that meets certain requirements from being constructed "as proposed by the applicant"
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- any local rule or procedure that prevents the demolition of the existing structure on a lot almost surely will "render the project infeasible"
- the exceptions, enumerated in GC 65589.5(d)(1)-(4), do not include tenant or old-building protections
The SF City Economist report on city's housing-element rezone is a nice bookend to the Court of Appeal's decision last month in New Commune v. Redondo Beach.
Put them together, and it's clear that pretty drastic reforms to CA's Housing Element Law are in order.
Crux of New Commune: If city does fact-intensive, site-specific analysis of "realistic" capacity for new housing, any frustrated YIMBY can dredge up an existing lease, go to court, and get the judge to put the city in Builder's Remedy penalty box.
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Import of S.F. City Economist report (together w/ HCD's correspondence w/ city thus far): If city instead uses p(dev) method to gauge its plan's capacity, city will be at mercy of the inexpert model gods at HCD.
California, home of the world's 4th largest economy & several of its top econ departments, has spent 50 years "planning for housing need" w/o availing itself of economic expertise.
The game is up, courtesy of the S.F. city economist. My op-ed in today's @sfchronicle ⤵️.
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What happened?
Every 8 years, CA cities must adopt a plan, called a "housing element," that shows how they'll accommodate their fair share of regionally needed housing.
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In June 2020, after some back-and-forth w/ regional "council of governments" (but no input from economists) @California_HCD announced the current target for the Bay Area.
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New CEQA opinion nixing (again!) the voters' repeal of a 30' height limit in San Diego is a near-perfect vehicle for CA Supreme Court to jettison the worst of "Old CEQA."
Very glad that @MayorToddGloria is determined to appeal it.
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Background:
- In 1972, the voters capped heights at 30' "to prevent[] high-rise buildings from obstructing 'needed open breezes, sky & sunshine,'" and to "protect[] against unwanted population density with its problems of ... lack of parking space, increased crime[, etc.]"
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- the 1972 San Diego ballot measure defined "coastal zone" to include not only environmentally sensitive area, but also a big swath of industrially zoned land b/t the freeways