I have great respect for @nealemahoney & @BharatRamamurti, but I just about pulled my hair out reading their op-ed this morning.
Price controls aren't going to be "a way out" unless their advocates can credibly commit not to apply them to today's projects tomorrow.
🧵/12
The authors briefly acknowledge this concern at the end of their piece but offer nothing beyond a brief nod to sunset clauses and income targeting.
/2
They fail to acknowledge that the NYC controls that Mamdani campaigned on strengthening (w/o income targeting...) have been in place for 50+ years; that popularity of rent controls surely depends on them *not* being income targeted;
/3
or that tenant orgs are hellbent on vacancy controls, which do *precisely nothing* to protect incumbent tenants from price shocks while generating misallocation, discrimination & corrupt side payments when units turn over.
/4
I do not gainsay that there are big political payoffs to campaigning on rent control, just like there are big payoffs to campaigning on property tax caps.
My own research supports it,
But an academic's exhortation that rent control "should be temporary" is not going to make it so -- and it won't fool investors, who see what the advocacy orgs are demanding and how even "pro-housing" politicians have been catering to their demands.
State would say, "If you build X, you may record a covenant that exempts project from price controls for (say) the next 30 years unless compensation is paid."
I learned recently that Washington, DC used to authorize such "certificates of assurance" for new construction.
/8
Apparently the formal existence of this provision was enough to put DC developers at ease for many years. In 2020, the council found that for decades, no developer had applied for a certificate of assurance.
/9
However, once talk of eviction moratoria and strengthened rent control was in the air, scores of developers started applying for the certificates -- whereupon the council adopted a moratorium and, a few years later, repealed the program entirely.
/10
If tenant advocacy orgs like @TenantsTogether, progresive think tanks like @rooseveltinst, and mayors like @ZohranKMamdani, @wilsonformayor & @ChicagosMayor all start pushing for vacancy decontrol & certificates of assurance as part of their rent-control schemes,...
/11
I'll happily update my priors on the potential for a workable Left-YIMBY synthesis.
In "The Symbolic Politics of Housing," @dbroockman @j_kalla & I showed that public opinion about housing policies correlates w/ affect towards the groups that the policies make salient (via framing or criteria in the policy itself).
🧵/19
Readers asked, "But is the relationship causal?"
We set out to answer their question, focusing on a much-maligned group that ordinary people blame for high housing prices & rents: Real-estate developers.
/2
Working with a filmmaker and a real-life developer, we created short-form videos that sought to humanize the developer -- without conveying information about what her projects look like or how housing development affects prices or local amenities.
/3
I stumbled across the work of Arthur E. Stamps III this morning and, wow, my eyes have been opened!
He's was (is?) an architect in San Francisco who wrote scores of academic papers on the mass public's aesthetic preferences & the failure of "design review" to serve them.
🧵/18
His studies show that San Francisco's Great Downzoning (1970s & early 1980s) was an answer to the public's genuine aesthetic dislike of residential dingbats and downtown "refrigerator towers."
/2
The city planning department had tried to address the public's dislike of midcentury "plain box" style by mandating bay windows. That yielded "Richmond Specials" -- a slight improvement, but still substantially disfavored by public relative to random sample of existing bldgs.
If builder's remedy comes to San Francisco, the city's anti-demolition / displacement rules go out the window.
For progressive supes & tenant orgs who believe what they say about those rules, enacting a compliant rezoning & constraint removal plan should be Priority #1.
🧵/9
Explanation:
- s/t narrow exceptions, a city may not impose any local requirements on a builder's remedy project that EITHER (1) render project infeasible, OR (2) prevent a project that meets certain requirements from being constructed "as proposed by the applicant"
/2
- any local rule or procedure that prevents the demolition of the existing structure on a lot almost surely will "render the project infeasible"
- the exceptions, enumerated in GC 65589.5(d)(1)-(4), do not include tenant or old-building protections
The SF City Economist report on city's housing-element rezone is a nice bookend to the Court of Appeal's decision last month in New Commune v. Redondo Beach.
Put them together, and it's clear that pretty drastic reforms to CA's Housing Element Law are in order.
Crux of New Commune: If city does fact-intensive, site-specific analysis of "realistic" capacity for new housing, any frustrated YIMBY can dredge up an existing lease, go to court, and get the judge to put the city in Builder's Remedy penalty box.
/2
Import of S.F. City Economist report (together w/ HCD's correspondence w/ city thus far): If city instead uses p(dev) method to gauge its plan's capacity, city will be at mercy of the inexpert model gods at HCD.
California, home of the world's 4th largest economy & several of its top econ departments, has spent 50 years "planning for housing need" w/o availing itself of economic expertise.
The game is up, courtesy of the S.F. city economist. My op-ed in today's @sfchronicle ⤵️.
🧵/22
What happened?
Every 8 years, CA cities must adopt a plan, called a "housing element," that shows how they'll accommodate their fair share of regionally needed housing.
/2
In June 2020, after some back-and-forth w/ regional "council of governments" (but no input from economists) @California_HCD announced the current target for the Bay Area.
/3 abag.ca.gov/sites/default/…
New CEQA opinion nixing (again!) the voters' repeal of a 30' height limit in San Diego is a near-perfect vehicle for CA Supreme Court to jettison the worst of "Old CEQA."
Very glad that @MayorToddGloria is determined to appeal it.
🧵
Background:
- In 1972, the voters capped heights at 30' "to prevent[] high-rise buildings from obstructing 'needed open breezes, sky & sunshine,'" and to "protect[] against unwanted population density with its problems of ... lack of parking space, increased crime[, etc.]"
/2
- the 1972 San Diego ballot measure defined "coastal zone" to include not only environmentally sensitive area, but also a big swath of industrially zoned land b/t the freeways