Chris Elmendorf Profile picture
Nov 19 14 tweets 3 min read Read on X
Bharat's substack response ⤵️ to my thread about his & @nealemahoney's op-ed has brightened my day.

So refreshing compared to the snarks (and vivid expressions of desire for my assassination) conveyed on this platform.

A few notes on possible paths forward.

🧵/13
By describing the credible commitment problem (the need to reassure developers of new housing or energy that their project won't face price controls for a very long time) I didn't mean to imply, as some critics on the right insist, that the problem is insurmountable.

/2 Image
I think the problem can be greatly mitigated:

1. By offering DC-style "certificates of assurance" to developers, i.e., recordable contracts for compensation if the project is subjected to price controls within a defined period of time.

/3

(Yes, there are questions about whether such covenants would bind future legislatures, but the Contracts Clause has extra bite when the state is the contracting party, and the covenant would at a minimum increase the political & legal cost to state of reneging on the deal.)

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2. By progressive states sending "costly signals" that they understand that post-entitlement regulatory costs/risks threaten new development, and that they want to reduce those risks.

/5
E.g., in housing context, states could (and I think should):
- preempt or cap local real-estate transfer taxes
- preempt local rent control & tenant protections that go beyond the statewide standards
- reform condo-defect liability laws

/6
3. By progressive groups & thought leaders taking positions on what constitutes "reasonable" vs. "bad idea" price controls / tenant protections.

There won't be consensus, but if it becomes clear that some ideas are beyond pale the for most progs, that will help.

/7
Stuff I would hope to see pretty broad agreement on:

- Rent control should protect existing tenants from extreme/rapid price shocks, but not create nonmarket allocation of vacant units. (Vacancy decontrol is good.)

/8
- Developers should be able to rely on gov't representations about exclusions of new units from rent control. (Certificates of assurance are good.)

/9


- It should be legal to redevelop buildings in which tenants live if a supermajority of the tenants ratify the landlord's buyout proposal. (Exclusions in SB 79, etc., are bad.)

/10
- States should remedy the information asymmetries b/t landlords and tenants. (Rental registries and buyout registries are good and should be mandatory.)

/11
- It should be easy to evict tenants who are causing a nuisance to other tenants in a building.

(Consider allowing self-help evictions or exempting L from penalties for wrongful eviction if most of tenants in building sign a petition attesting to nuisance.)

/12
There's a long way to go (alas ⤵️), but w/ @BharatRamamurti, @econjared, & @nealemahoney inviting the conversation, & newly elected prog mayors like @ZohranKMamdani & @wilsonformayor in position to act, it's time to sweat the details.

/end
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More from @CSElmendorf

Nov 16
I have great respect for @nealemahoney & @BharatRamamurti, but I just about pulled my hair out reading their op-ed this morning.

Price controls aren't going to be "a way out" unless their advocates can credibly commit not to apply them to today's projects tomorrow.

🧵/12 Image
The authors briefly acknowledge this concern at the end of their piece but offer nothing beyond a brief nod to sunset clauses and income targeting.

/2 Image
They fail to acknowledge that the NYC controls that Mamdani campaigned on strengthening (w/o income targeting...) have been in place for 50+ years; that popularity of rent controls surely depends on them *not* being income targeted;

/3
Read 13 tweets
Nov 16
New results!

In "The Symbolic Politics of Housing," @dbroockman @j_kalla & I showed that public opinion about housing policies correlates w/ affect towards the groups that the policies make salient (via framing or criteria in the policy itself).

🧵/19 Image
Readers asked, "But is the relationship causal?"

We set out to answer their question, focusing on a much-maligned group that ordinary people blame for high housing prices & rents: Real-estate developers.

/2 Image
Working with a filmmaker and a real-life developer, we created short-form videos that sought to humanize the developer -- without conveying information about what her projects look like or how housing development affects prices or local amenities.

/3
Read 21 tweets
Nov 9
I stumbled across the work of Arthur E. Stamps III this morning and, wow, my eyes have been opened!

He's was (is?) an architect in San Francisco who wrote scores of academic papers on the mass public's aesthetic preferences & the failure of "design review" to serve them.

🧵/18 Image
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His studies show that San Francisco's Great Downzoning (1970s & early 1980s) was an answer to the public's genuine aesthetic dislike of residential dingbats and downtown "refrigerator towers."

/2 Image
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The city planning department had tried to address the public's dislike of midcentury "plain box" style by mandating bay windows. That yielded "Richmond Specials" -- a slight improvement, but still substantially disfavored by public relative to random sample of existing bldgs.

/3 Image
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Read 19 tweets
Nov 1
If builder's remedy comes to San Francisco, the city's anti-demolition / displacement rules go out the window.

For progressive supes & tenant orgs who believe what they say about those rules, enacting a compliant rezoning & constraint removal plan should be Priority #1.

🧵/9 Image
Explanation:

- s/t narrow exceptions, a city may not impose any local requirements on a builder's remedy project that EITHER (1) render project infeasible, OR (2) prevent a project that meets certain requirements from being constructed "as proposed by the applicant"

/2 Image
- any local rule or procedure that prevents the demolition of the existing structure on a lot almost surely will "render the project infeasible"

- the exceptions, enumerated in GC 65589.5(d)(1)-(4), do not include tenant or old-building protections

/3 Image
Read 11 tweets
Oct 30
The SF City Economist report on city's housing-element rezone is a nice bookend to the Court of Appeal's decision last month in New Commune v. Redondo Beach.

Put them together, and it's clear that pretty drastic reforms to CA's Housing Element Law are in order.

🧵/19
Crux of New Commune: If city does fact-intensive, site-specific analysis of "realistic" capacity for new housing, any frustrated YIMBY can dredge up an existing lease, go to court, and get the judge to put the city in Builder's Remedy penalty box.

/2


'
Import of S.F. City Economist report (together w/ HCD's correspondence w/ city thus far): If city instead uses p(dev) method to gauge its plan's capacity, city will be at mercy of the inexpert model gods at HCD.

Who knows what model they'll bless?

/3
Read 20 tweets
Oct 30
California, home of the world's 4th largest economy & several of its top econ departments, has spent 50 years "planning for housing need" w/o availing itself of economic expertise.

The game is up, courtesy of the S.F. city economist. My op-ed in today's @sfchronicle ⤵️.

🧵/22 Image
What happened?

Every 8 years, CA cities must adopt a plan, called a "housing element," that shows how they'll accommodate their fair share of regionally needed housing.

/2
In June 2020, after some back-and-forth w/ regional "council of governments" (but no input from economists) @California_HCD announced the current target for the Bay Area.

/3

abag.ca.gov/sites/default/…
Read 24 tweets

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