Thread with excerpts from the 1976 essay "On Meritocracy and Equality." I want to clear up some misconceptions around the idea of "meritocracy." The word was initially coined as a *pejorative* in 1958 to describe presently-existing Anglo-American society.
What characterized WWII and postwar Anglo-American society that made the word "meritocracy" appropriate? That talent (as measured by heavily genetic IQ) and technical skill, rather than hereditary privilege or some other mechanism, led to status and wealth.
But by 1976, this had already been successfully attacked and overthrown by the New Left/Civil Rights state, which replaced talent with hereditary privilege (race, sex) as the ideal arbiter of status.
This is fairly close to what had been predicted by the essay that coined the term meritocracy, which foresaw "Populists" rebelling against the principle of merit in favor of equality and helping "each person develop his own diverse capacities" (think multiple intelligences).
This successful 1960s attack on meritocracy in the form of affirmative action/Civil Rights *overthrew* the liberal individualist position that someone's place should not be based on their group attributes.
In the 18th century, many institutions, such as the army and the Church and land ownership, required hereditary privilege to access. This principle was replaced with the principle of achievement in the 19th/20th. *And then achievement was replaced again in the 1960s*.
Various New Left attacks on meritocracy: 1) More status because you are better because of genetic gifts is unfair (Rawlsian) 2) Pure meritocracy is impossible 3) Social mobility is basically luck 4) Meritocracy makes society overly competitive 5) Meritocracy creates inequality
The author, Daniel Bell, traces this destruction of democracy to the failure of the mainstream Civil Rights movement, premised on the idea that equality of opportunity would lead to equality of results, a decade earlier with the 1966 Coleman Report.
New Lefties re-invented John Calhoun's doctrine of the "concurrent majority," saying blacks shouldn't be counted equally to whites because as a minority they could never get what they wanted that way, and needed special privileges. This is the logic behind the VRA.
According to John Rawls, natural advantages (like being smarter or better looking) are as arbitrary as social ones (like being nobility), and the *only* justification for rewarding talent is if doing so helps the non-talented even more.
This represents the end of liberalism. The liberal ideal was to set no prescriptive ends, simply a set of procedural rules, and to let things work out as they may. The New Left overthrew and destroyed this in favor of redress for "disadvantaged groups" as the basis of society.
This should be seen, in my view, as a sort of "de-modernization" process. Rather than individuals equal under the law, we've returned to an ancien-regime like system of group representation, rights, and privileges, millets or estates or "communities" rather than citizens.
Why write this thread? You often see attacks on "meritocracy" or "individualism" as too prevalent in 21st century America. This is like criticisms of "white supremacy" or "patriarchy" - all were overthrown 60 years ago by the New Left and attacking them today is playing pretend.
NLSY data backs this up. For example, the correlation between income percentile and IQ dropped between NLSY79 cohort (born 1957-64) and the NLSY97 cohort (born 1980-1984), and this is after the destruction of meritocracy/liberalism began.
It drives me mad to see people playacting as though we are still in the 1950s. Here is a link to the 1976 essay I excerpted all of this from; I recommend reading the whole thing (only 40 pages). nationalaffairs.com/storage/app/up…
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More excerpts on Colonial Mexico from TR Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood" (1973). Fehrenbach saw the discovery of silver in Mexico, mostly in the arid north, as a disaster, as it led to Spain administering Mexico as a loot box rather than developing the productive economy.
The thinly-populated, but silver-rich North became a military frontier.
The suspicious Spanish Crown gave those born in Spain, the peninsulares, a monopoly on offices (and commerce) in New Spain. As offices were the main route to upwards mobility, the local creoles resented this.
Thread with excerpts from the colonial Mexico portion of "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1973).
The Catholic Monarchs who united Spain reined in the aristocracy, abolished serfdom, disempowered the Castilian parliaments, and ended all noble presumptions to royal powers and revenues, creating a new bureaucracy (with a new army) to run the state loyal to themselves.
Spain combined this modern bureaucratic state and army with maintenance of privileges for the old nobility and an almost medieval religious mindset.
Thread with excerpts from the Spanish Conquest section of T. R. Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1973).
According to the Mexic accounts, the years leading up to the arrival of Cortes were full of terrible omens. To avert the prophesized disaster, Montezuma (disastrously) greatly increased tribute from subject cities and even replaced the govt of his (now former) ally Texcoco.
Repartimiento and encomienda, systems by which Indians were 'entrusted' to a Spaniard and owed him labor for protection, were not at all unusual; most Eurasian farmers bore similar burdens and both were long-standing Iberian institutions.
Thread with excerpts from the pre-Columbian chapters of T. R. Fehrenbach's Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico (1973/1995). This is a very dense and detailed book; this thread is not even close to comprehensive.
Meso-American civilization was one civilization; there were no separate Aztec/Mexic/Yucatec/Maya/etc civilizations. The peoples discovered by Cortes were inheritors rather than creators.
For its entire history, Meso-American culture was extraordinarily urban, more like the Orient than that of the European dark ages. But these were not so much commercial or mercantile cities as religious and defensive ones.
Thread with excerpts from Richard Pipes' Property and Freedom (1999). Pipes is a historian of Russia, and the thesis of the book is that private property, as something distinct and protected from public power and sovereignty, is indispensable to human freedom.
One of the fundamental differences between Russia and the rest of Europe lay in the weak development of private property; one of the major themes of Western philosophical history is the benefits and drawbacks of private property; Russian philosophers unanimously condemn it.
Freedom, as used by Pipes, includes political freedom, legal freedom, economic freedom, and personal rights. It does not include the right to public support ("freedom from want"); such 'rights' are at best a moral claim and at worst an unearned privilege.
Red state pension funds tend to vote with management if management is providing good returns (ie, doing their job); blue state pension funds tend to vote with management if the company does leftist things (ie, ESG, or not paying CEOs very much).
This reflects a general difference in attitude towards institutions; rightists prefer institutions do what they were created for (eg police should fight crime, the military should fight wars, companies should make money doing their business, schools should teach)...
...while left-wingers want every institution to have pushing the Party Line as its #1 priority (extremely totalitarian in that regard). The formers produces a better society, the latter is more politically powerful but destroys everything in the long run.