Petrodollars! Nothing produces more heated discussion and, in my experience, less insight. Myths trump facts, because the actual data is a bit obscure --
But here is the most important thing to know. Before the Hormuz crisis, the flow of petrodollars had more or less dried up
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At $60-70 a barrel, the oil exporters just weren't generating large surpluses --
Saudi Arabia's external deficit offset Russia's surplus, so the two biggest oil exporters (~ 15mbd of exports together) were not generating petrodollars, petroeuros or petroyuan
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And the GCC countries (no quarterly data for the Emirates, but its surplus is roughly the size of Qatar and Kuwait combined) no longer really stash away their oil surplus in liquid dollar reserves --
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The remaining oil surplus is really found in the GCC-3 (Emirates = no data, but roughly another $70b) and Norway, and that is down to ~ $200-250b a year ...
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China's surplus (measured correctly) likely approached $1 trillion pre oil shock, and there was another $500b plus in the main Asian surplus economies.
The big source of eurodollars (offshore dollars) were the Chinese exporters offshore funds, & now the SCBs
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And most "petro-dollars" were actually "petro-equities" -- the GCC countries put the bulk of their funds not in liquid deposits/ bonds but in public equities (and in private equity via SWFs)
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The Saudis have been so desperate to build up the size of their SWF (they have a bit of QIA/ KIA/ ADIA envy) that they borrowed in the global bond market to buy equities (not just to build NEOM, etc)
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So its actually been a while since the Saudis were generating spare dollars for global banks to intermediate, or providing stable funding for the US fiscal deficit ... (the same is obviously also true of Russia)
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And b/c of Saudi borrowing, the "SWF" flow (mostly an equity flow) exceeded the reduced GCC current account surplus (the UAE isn't in the quarterly IMF data, but it is a bigger version of Qatar)
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Now there are some interesting subplots inside the global data -- while most of the GCC flow is into equities, Kuwait has been buying some bonds for its SWF in the past couple of years
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And Norway's gas driven flow (petro-krone?) has been directed toward bonds (to slightly tilted towards euros relative to its equities I think) as Norges Bank Investment Management portfolio balanced in the face of the global equity market run-up
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But the bottom line is that going into this shock, the big surpluses were in Asia not the oil exporters ... and there wasn't a big flow into liquid offshore dollar markets from the oil exporters (there was a modest flow into equities & "AI" investments)
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The dynamics of this shock also will be interesting -- some of the biggest winners from a standard oil shock are the Gulf countries whose exports are now cut off (Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, UAE = ~ 10 mbd of exports). Some may need to dip into reserves and other buffers .
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The Saudis may be OK despite a high break even oil price if they can move enough oil through the East-West pipeline to keep their oil exports above 5 mbd ... a higher price offsets lower volumes. But they don't be generating a big surplus unless oil moves a lot higher
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The big windfall gains go to Russia (of course), and the central Asian oil exporters (Kazakhs, Azeris, etc) -- Central Asia and Russia generate like 10 mbd of exports, so every $10 increase in traded oil = $35 b in additional proceeds over a year
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Other big winners -- Norway of course, especially with the loss of Qatari gas. The Norwegians might want to consider stepping up their financial contributions to say Ukraine and otherwise using their windfall to do more than just buy US bonds!
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Canada and the oil exporting countries of South America (Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil even Argentina modestly) also will get a windfall -- collectively they export ~ 10 mbd ...
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Now the Canadians use their oil proceeds mostly to buy manufactured goods, and given Trump's rhetoric, it isn't clear that the "51st state/ fastest path to Greenland" won't put its financial elbows up and limit any increase in US exposure ...
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And for Brazil and Colombia the funds will go to cover their current account deficits (which in Brazil's case is a lot of interest on its existing external debt) ... they aren't gonna generate petrodollars in big sums ...
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And if higher prices lead the US to, well, drive a bit less and conserve energy, the US could become a meaningful oil exporter (now most of its energy exports are LNG) ... and reduce its external borrowing need ...
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But the first order impact of this shock is a bigger surplus in (for now sanctioned except for the oil at sea) Russia -- which won't be stashing its loot in dollars (at least not until Witkoff works some magic ... ) ...
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And a smaller surplus in Europe (investment income will go to paying the energy import bill) and a much smaller surplus in Asia ...
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That means fewer offshore dollars sloshing around Hong Kong and Singapore and making their way into global markets ... so fewer eurodollars ...
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But the Asian surplus is so big ($1.4 trillion using the reported Chinese data) & was rising before the shock on the back of AI chip demand. So it won't go away. $10 a barrel is ~$70b on the Asian surplus ballpark so even a $100 a barrel shock only cuts the aggregate in 1/2
That's my take on the big first order effects on the big regions of the global economy --
There will of course also be important impacts on all the middle powers that are oil importers (Turkey, India, Pakistan, etc) ...
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Back before the bombardment of Iran, China's currency was under considerable appreciation pressure -- the settlement data showed $70b in fx purchases by the PBOC/ SCBs ($840b annualized). A huge sum for a holiday month ...
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Over the last 12ms of data, settlement (my preferred intervention measure) shows purchases of $500-600b ... or more than enough to trigger the Treasury "manipulation" thresholds
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And for whatever reason, in both January and February a small fraction of that total (~$10b) did show up on the balance sheet of the PBOC -- so it isn't all flowing through the state banks right now (tho most of the flow is still via the state banks)
Some basic oil shock math, focusing on the impact on global trade ...
Remember that we are starting from an unusually low surplus in the fuel exporting economies ...
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And also an unusually large surplus in East Asia.
Core east Asia looks to (per the old BP data) import ~ 20 mbd on net, so each $10b/ barrel change in the oil price reduces East Asia goods surplus by ~ $75b
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a $20 a barrel shock knocks $150b off their surplus -- a manageable sum for a region that has a $1.5 trillion surplus (and rising fast on AI chip demand). 60% of that is China, and China can definitely manage ...
A day that was a long time coming -- TSMC's dominance of chip manufacturing led Taiwan to post a $70b quarterly current account surplus in q4. That is $280b annualized, or a surplus of ~ 33% of GDP
Never though that would be possible for a non-tax haven without oil
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And there is of course a capital flows story -- as the TWD depreciated in q4 in the face of this massive surplus (2x its level in 24), and Taiwan technically sold reserves too!
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For the year as a whole Taiwan's surplus was $180b (gulp, a sum not much smaller that the, artificially low to be sure, surplus that China was reporting mid 2024)! Reserve outflows and foreign bond purchases were only $20b each, leaving $140b to flow out in other ways
I actually don't think Mark and I are that far apart
(tho I wouldn't start by arguing that a BoP deficit is meaningless, as I certainly find value in some cuts of the balance of payments + get annoyed when the IMF ignores the components of the BoP)
The most policy relevant question is whether the courts will strike down the 122 balance of payments tariffs & I think the answer to that is likely to be no, for the reasons that Peter Harrell (an actual lawyer) laid out today
The court of international trade more or less invited a case in its initial IEEPA ruling (rejecting the notion that there no BoP deficits/ surpluses b/c everything ultimately balances) & it seems likely the courts will defer to the administration on what constitutes an international payments problem
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This is a thread that only Adam Tooze, a few international economist and a couple of very well paid trade lawyers are likely to enjoy …
The basic question is what did Congress mean back in 1975 when they wrote about payments problems and balance of payments deficits
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It is clear from the Senate report on the legislation that the authors were concerned about trade and payments surplus countries (Germany and Japan at the time) & the equitable sharing of balance of payments adjustment responsibilities across surplus and deficit countries
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But the Senate report is written in the balance of payments equivalent of old English – it doesn’t use IMF BPM 6 standard terms. There isn’t much discussion of the current account, there is a lot of discussion of the official reserve balance and the net liquidity balance
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The mandarins at the PBOC are in a difficult spot -- a faster pace of CNY appreciation against the dollar has convinced Chinese exporters to bring funds back home, and driven the need to buy $100b a month (give or take) to control the pace of appreciation ...
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What's more, the slightly faster pace of appreciation v the dollar only drives an appreciation in the inflation adjusted CNY if the dollar itself isn't depreciating v other currencies, and if the pace of appreciation is bigger than the inflation differential
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So unless China slows the pace of appreciation (and lets the rate differential incentivize offshore dollar holdings) it isn't clear how the PBOC can get out of an equilibrium that requires hefty monthly intervention