Sander Tordoir Profile picture
May 20 18 tweets 5 min read Read on X
Germany is the epicentre of the China Shock 2.0 reverberating in global markets

In a new paper, @Brad_Setser and I show the shock is a key driver of Germany’s economic malaise. And it's accelerating

Berlin needs to stop admiring the problem, and join efforts to fight back

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China’s exploding exports are squeezing German firms in cars, machinery, chemicals and aerospace in China, third markets and increasingly Europe itself.

The drag from falling net exports has accelerated sharply since 2023, amounting to roughly 3% of German GDP.

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The damage has fed through to industrial production, with sectors most exposed to Chinese competition shrinking fastest.

Germany isn't alone. Every major EU economy except the Netherlands (buoyed by chipmaking giant ASML) has seen exports to China fall

Bureaucracy anyone?

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The shock is worsening for Europe's most car-centric economy.

Analysts had estimated China would only export 10 million cars a year by the end of the decade. But China’s 2025 Q4 exports, annualised, already hit that mark.

And the automotive sector is not unique.

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In 2025, China’s export volumes grew at more than twice the pace of global trade — and accelerated further in 2026.

The result is a more than $1 trillion rise in Chinese exports without a balancing rise in imports, yielding a manufacturing surplus on par with Italy’s GDP.

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Beyond Das Auto, similar dynamics are unfolding across sectors long seen as the backbone of the German economy — machinery, chemicals, clean tech and aircraft.

Germany now buys more capital goods from China than China buys from Germany — a striking tipping point.

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Berlin can no longer afford to wait for the problem to correct itself.

The drivers of China’s surplus persist, including a weak domestic demand dragged down by the property bust, cheap state-backed credit for manufacturing, and an undervalued currency.

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Textbook adjustment just isn't materialising.

China is intervening to stymie currency appreciation, while its vast domestic savings mean it could plausibly sustain an external surplus of 10% of GDP, with no hard limit on the foreign financial claims it can accumulate.

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The latest batch of Chinese data shows domestic demand weakening further.

And China’s new five-year plan doubles down on manufacturing expansion, import substitution, and technological self-reliance.

It all augurs even more export-led growth ahead.

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The risk for Germany, which already struggled to adjust when China’s surplus (correctly measured) jumped from 2 to 5 per cent of GDP, is acute.

Much of the demand generated by Germany’s fiscal expansion could leak into Chinese imports and throttle Germany’s recovery.

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Global car, machinery and chemicals production could concentrate further in China, eroding innovation in traditional manufacturing centres.

And increasing Beijing's ability to coerce Berlin by throttling supply the way it did for rare earths and Nexperia chips.

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The EU has launched a patchwork of product-specific trade defences and a piecemeal buy-EU industrial policy.

But China’s trade surplus with the EU is still growing at around 30%, showing these efforts are too slow and too narrow.

The EU is holding a knife in a gunfight.

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In a world where China relies heavily on net exports to sustain growth (1.5–2% of GDP a year), and Europe remains the largest open advanced market, Berlin and Brussels still have strong cards to play.

We lay out several options.

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This includes deploying trade safeguards more broadly, and developing an EU 301 style instrument to respond to China’s currency undervaluation - tariffs the EU can take off if China adjusts.

The EU should, of course, exempt its roster of 76 FTA partners from these measures

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Many of them are equally worried about China.

But Brussels and Berlin should not let Chinese content enter unchecked through FTA partners, and should push partners to adopt similar rules.

Europe needs to play industrial/trade policy Tinder — insisting on reciprocity.

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Retaliation from Beijing is likely, including possibly restrictions on minerals and industrial inputs.

Europe therefore needs a credible deterrence strategy, including investment in alternative supply chains and the ability to respond in kind to economic coercion.

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Germany now has a unique window to build a coalition of EU and global allies to respond to China.

France has valiantly tried the diplomatic route with China via its G7 presidency.

And the Commission will debate the China shock on May 29, followed by EU leaders in June.

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Berlin needs to decide whether it wants to allow China to dismantle core parts of its manufacturing ecosystem in an era of rearmament.

Time is running out: Europe's leverage will decline as China captures ever more chokepoints.

The paper is here:

18/18
cer.eu/publications/a…

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More from @SanderTordoir

Apr 24
A lot of commentary on Chinese investmeint in the EU miss the most importat observation.

Chinese FDI in the EU is tiny, a fraction of what it was 10 years ago. But EU's trade deficit with China is ballooning, up another 30% this year. The implications should be obvious.

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With Chinese FDI in Europe tiny, but the export juggernaut continuing apace, it's clear Chinese firms show little incentive to localise production.

So the idea that without flanking policies Chinese investment will bring Europe up to the technological frontier is wrong.

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I understand the temptation. Europeans think joint ventures are a China friendly alternative to more serious tariffs on cars and machines -- when in reality a JV policy only works alongside tougher EU trade policy - also to make it harder for EU firms to offshore to China.

3/
Read 6 tweets
Mar 19
Some reflections in the New York Times today, in a good tour-de-force on the global macroeconomic ripple effects of Trump’s Iran war.

Can Europe afford deploying fiscal measures to buttress the Hormuz energy shock?

It’s painful but by and large yes.

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“The classic ‘worry children’ are not really of any concern,”.

I think I accidentally coined a Dutchism, highlighting the former eurozone crisis countries, are now some of our best fiscal performers.

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France has budget woes but should benefit from its nuclear power fleet being operational this x.

The UK, by contrast, looks really vulnerable to the fiscal pressures (the higher inflation, borrowing costs, clamour for support measures) coming downstream from the shock.

3/
Read 4 tweets
Feb 11
EU Leaders meet tomorrow to discuss measures to lift Europe's anaemic growth rate.

But the summit risks being a nothing burger. EU Leaders have cherry-picked a macroeconomically meaningless simplification agenda from the Draghi report

New oped.

1/

politico.eu/article/europe…
Lucas, Nils and I argue a few significant things have gone awry.

First and foremost: the diagnosis. Europe, the current consensus goes, has smothered itself in unnecessary regulation, and growth will return once red tape is cut.

2/
But there has been no explosion of red tape compared to the US - the Commission itself puts the gains from regulatory simplification at just €12 billion a year, or around 0.07 per cent of EU GDP.

Trimming EU reporting requirements wont fix the deeper problem.

3/
Read 10 tweets
Dec 11, 2025
Good work by the Commission and the majority of EU member-states.

They have approved the long-term immobilisation of the Russian assets under Article 122, which requires only a qualified majority.

This is a key stepping-stone for the reparations loan.

1/
This is EU speak for a done deal:

"The Danish Presidency can inform that COREPER has agreed on a revised version of the Art. 122-proposal and approved a written procedure for formal Council decision by tomorrow around 5 pm"

2/
The EU has now insulated its most powerful bargaining tool in the Ukraine negotiations from national vetoes. Even the outcome of the reparations loan doesn’t change that, since unlocking the funds will require a qualified majority.

3/
Read 5 tweets
Nov 13, 2025
Can anything halt the decline of German industry?

I'm afraid rearmament won’t turn things around. As the FT's Storbeck notes, Germany employs fewer people building tanks than making toys.

To counter China, macroeconomic and civilian industrial policies are indispensable.

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The changing role of China from customer to fierce competitor is a key reason why German industrial production has slumped back to 2005 (ouch) levels.

Good to see the FT give China the attention it deserves in Germany’s decline -- that wasn’t always the case in the debate.

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In their scramble, German and European policy-makers are understandably focusing on the distortive impact of China's industrial subsidies - worth 4.4% of GDP according to the IMF.

Note that this figure alone is a magnitude larger than EU defence spending.

3/
Read 13 tweets
Jun 3, 2025
Illusions about trade with China still run deep in Europe.

At a chatham house event yesterday, one economist claimed it was “baseless” to suggest China would dominate most industries. Europe, they argued, would simply retain and develop new comparative advantages.

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But that theory, or hope, only holds if demand adjusts.

China suppresses consumption, shields its market, runs persistent trade surpluses, and funnels credit and subsidies into industrial capacity, exporting (over)capacities to the world.

2/
China’s industrial policy and macro imbalances drove its huge global market share in steel, ships, active pharmaceutical ingredients, polysilicon, solar wafers, batteries.

So it is certainly not baseless to be worried about this: we've already seen it in many sectors.

3/
Read 10 tweets

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