Former CIA director Burns: Putin always believed Russia couldn't be a great power without controlling Ukraine.
When I met him before the invasion, he was utterly unapologetic. No denial. His message was: "So, what are you going to do about it?"
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Burns: The FSB — Russia's domestic security service — led the pre-invasion planning for Ukraine.
That's telling. For Putin and the Russian elite, Ukraine was never a foreign policy question. It was a domestic one.
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Burns: Putin's assumptions were profoundly wrong. CIA had worked with Ukrainian security services since 2014 — I knew they'd push back hard.
I told Putin's people in Moscow in November 2021: Ukrainians will resist as tenaciously as possible, and they'll have our full support. 3/
Burns: Over a million Russian casualties, economy mortgaged for years. Iran temporarily saved Putin — higher energy revenues, fewer US weapons for Ukraine.
But that's temporary. Pressures build. He still controls his society through one skill: repression.
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Burns: A year ago Putin felt time was on his side. Now Russian elites question that — no breakthrough in sight.
Putin feels greater pressure to negotiate. When exactly, hard to say. But keep the pressure up — economically and on the battlefield. He's unsentimental.
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Saam, ex Russian soldier now fighting for Ukraine: In most cases, the task in the Russian army is to die.
There is often no concrete objective — take a height, clear an area, or hold a position. Just go forward. 1/
Saam: Many Russian soldiers receive less than two days of training.
They are taken to units and assigned roles by “buyers”: machine gunner, grenade launcher operator, almost even helicopter pilot — though they may never have seen the weapon they are supposed to use. 2/
Saam: In the Russian army, I saw no brotherhood. Everyone tries to survive by any means.
You cannot go forward because death may be waiting there. You cannot go back because death is certainly waiting behind you. 3/
Kasparov: Putin could launch an incursion into Latvia or Estonia to test NATO after Russia’s September election.
He has always escalated when he felt he was in trouble. The most likely next escalation is a provocation, Politico. 1/
Kasparov: There is no sign in Russian propaganda, government actions or Putin’s speeches that Moscow is preparing for peace: War, war, war, war. 2/
Kasparov: Russia does not need a full-scale invasion to undermine NATO. Moscow could seize a small border town, possibly with a Russian-speaking population, and wait for the response.
If the US failed to help defend it, NATO is no longer there. 3/
Kuleba: Something personal broke between Zelenskyy and Fedorov.
Zelenskyy likely learned something that hit him personally and stopped trusting him. Yermak pressured Fedorov, but Fedorov had always been indispensable.
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Kuleba: I see no parallel with last year. Back then, I saw an attack on NABU, an independent instution.
Today, I see an attack on a strong manager and rising politician whose ties with Zelenskyy broke. Once that trust breaks, he cannot run defense or help the system.
Zelenskyy: The dialogue between the army leadership and Defense Ministry is difficult at different levels. It is not only about personalities.
Fedorov will remain on the team. The new Prime Minister has his own vision and must be strengthened by people he trusts. 1/
Zelenskyy: The army is responsible for holding the battlefield and our successful long-range strikes. There are problems in some brigades that must be addressed boldly.
Everyone is tired of the war. Our task is to ensure Russia becomes completely exhausted first. 2/
Zelenskyy: We still have not found a respectful way to solve mobilization problems. There are issues on the battlefield and in some brigades that must be addressed.
This is not the responsibility of one side alone. The problems have to be solved together. 3/