Excerpts from TR Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1995). The PRI had massively expanded higher education. These universities were entirely 'free'/self-governing and became locuses of left-wing organizing.
In 1968, security forces fired upon a massive student demonstration/riot against the Olympic Games.
By 1970 Mexico had made enormous progress; the national income increased sixfold while the death rate dropped by half. But Mexico was still struggling with foreign-exchange; the govt pursued import-substitution to improve balance-of-payments.
Mexico was kept solvent by the tourist industry, which provided the foreign exchange needed for the imports desired by Mexican consumers.
The combination of new oil discoveries and the 1973 oil shock led to a huge oil boom in Mexico; the money was spent on consumption, expansion of the bureaucracy, food subsidies, and make-work jobs.
When oil prices fell, the Mexican state could not reduce expenses, and much of the money had been stolen. Lopez Portillo responded by seizing all private banks, leading to capital flight.
Lopez Portillo's successor, De La Madrid, however, was able to pull off the market reforms that the contemporaneous USSR failed to, and salvaged the situation, in part thanks to the PRI's political monopoly and the President's extraordinary power.
Still, these austerity measures triggered the creation of a left opposition, the PRD. (BTW: even under PRI rule, Mexico's maximum era of peace and stability, hundreds of dissidents and journalists were killed yearly)
In 1988, Carlos Salinas assumed the presidency, in an election generally assumed to be fraudulent. He wanted to further democratize and liberalize Mexico, to make it more like the richer nations of the world, joining NAFTA and breaking the PRI's political monopoly.
Salinas' policies partly worked; debt halved as a % of GDP and the real income of Mexicans rose from 62% of the 1980 level to 73% by 1993. But it was very slow; Salinas gambled that given hope, the masses would be willing to endure.
In 1994, another Zapatista uprising began in Chiapas under "Subcomandante Marcos," a media sensation. The chosen PRI candidate, popular and competent, was assassinated, but his replacement, Zedillo, won (legitimately, even).
In 1994, Mexico remained the most stable Hispanic country, but after generations of exterminating dissidents and rebels it was forced to negotiate with them by international pressure.
There are still today three Mexicos: the indios and agrarian mestizos, the mestizo/Mexican urbanoids of most of the country, and the small ruling group of professionals, bureaucrats, and businessmen in a handful of great cities and businesses.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Employers hiring people and then training them in the specific skills they require has declined as a hiring model for decades, in favor of a hiring market where employers look for people who already have those skills.
In the training/internal labor markets model, a company struggling to find specific skills will train promising entry-level employees. In the hiring market model, they can raise wages or otherwise improve conditions. In both, they can also substitute technology for labor.
Neither a hiring market nor training model for matching jobs to seekers is compatible with "skill shortages" as a concept, which implicitly assumes skills are fixed and once people with those skills run out employers can do nothing (except through immigration or schooling).
"Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (TR Fehrenbach, 1973/1995) thread of threads. Mesoamerican civilization was horrifying and very backwards by Old World standards, but unique.
Thread with excerpts from the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) section of TR Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1995). Calles created the PNR in 1929 to institutionalize the govt and Revolution, creating a Mexican party-state.
The Calles/Obregon governments were corrupt, but never succumbed to paranoia; there was no equivalent to the Soviet or Chinese liquidations of class enemies, the press was free, and the average Mexican had nothing to fear from the govt (Red Terror against the Church aside).
Roughly 19M acres were redistributed through 1933; most land remained with latifundios. But the new latifundios were not like the old ones, they were commercial enterprises rather than social systems. The clerics, army, and latifundistas were all tamed by Calles/Obregon.
Thread with excerpts from TR Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1995), on post-Revolutionary Mexico. To justify land reform, the revolutionaries revived the principle that expropriation was justifiable if the national interests demanded it.
The Constitutionalists defeated the Villistas in battle and assassinated the leader of the last revolutionary faction, Zapata, by treachery.
Carranza, the erstwhile leader of the victorious Constitutionalists, dug his own grave by trying to promote someone other than Obregon to the presidency after him; he was forced to flee the capital, run down, and murdered.
Excerpts from TR Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1973). The Porfiriato gave Mexico a generation of stability and development for the first time since independence. This left Mexico overdue for another civil war: the Mexican Revolution.
One problem was that the Porfirian school system had created a large, literate middle structure (not class). These educated mestizos became dissatisfied due to lack of opportunity; growth was rapid but not rapid enough to absorb them all.
The Revolution kicked off in 1910, when Diaz announced he'd won reelection with 99% of the vote. This kicked off an insurgency in Chihuahua, in the mestizo, frontier north.
Thread with excerpts from the 'Porfiriato' section of TR Fehrenbach's "Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico" (1973). This was the first era of stability and economic growth in post-independence Mexico, summed up with the slogan "Order and Progress."
Independent Mexico's problem was that Mexicans were incapable of setting aside personalisms for truly national institutions; congress, for example, was a joke.
Benito Juarez greatly expanded secular education; but this turned out to be more of a curse than a boon, because the vast majority of people with schooling insisted on government or legal jobs; very few became doctors or engineers or technicians.