Stephen Miran Profile picture
Jun 28 20 tweets 5 min read Read on X
Finally, I am able to say something about tariffs I wasn't able to say last year. I'll tell you why at the end of the thread.
In my view, the case for tariffs is overdetermined. There's national security reasons (you need self-sufficiency in war equipment), financial stability reasons (you don't want the net foreign asset position exploding), and an underdiscussed reason - tax policy.
There are two centuries of research on optimal tariffs. Tariffs are interesting because--unlike labor or capital taxes--foreigners bear, in the long run, a material portion of the burden of the tax. richmondfed.org/~/media/richmo…
That means that when raising tariffs from low levels, overall national welfare including revenue increases. Eventually, the domestic share of distortions outweighs the benefit of revenue--the point at which this happens is called the "optimal tariff."
Using traditional elasticity estimates, I calculated that in the long run foreigners will bear about 70% of the burden of U.S. tariffs. My read of the literature is that the optimal tariff is somewhere between 10% and 40%. federalreserve.gov/newsevents/spe…
I touched on this in my 2024 paper on trade. Because I cited the Handbook of International Economics chapter on the subject, and one of its authors is French, Le Monde asked them to respond to me after my CEA nomination lemonde.fr/en/opinion/art…
They offered the standard response: optimal tariffs work in theory but not in practice, because retaliation erodes the benefit of the revenue. However, I always expected that there wouldn't be much retaliation.
Indeed, POTUS and the entire administration warned against it. At @HudsonInstitute I emphasized that retaliation would make it more difficult to maintain the defense umbrella. whitehouse.gov/briefings-stat…
The net result was very little retaliation against our tariffs. In fact, the President negotiated trade deals that involve our trading partners lowering their trade barriers and comitting to invest in the U.S. - effectively NEGATIVE retaliation!
That negative retaliation wasn't factored into anyone's models and is still underappreciated in discussions of tariffs. But it's completely eroded the standard objection to optimal tariffs, and with that objection gone, economists must now take the theory seriously.
Within the overall taxation system, that means you can use tariff revenue to preserve or reduce low marginal tax rates on other activity. We know the distortions or deadweight loss of tariffs are convex: going from 30% to 40% is way worse than going from 10% to 20%.
Since optimal tariff rates are materially above near-zero levels at the start of year last year, raising tariffs toward optimal creates *negative* deadweight loss. Using that revenue to reduce highly distortionary income and capital taxes further reduces overall deadweight loss.
The net effect is a big improvement in the tax system, and that's effectively what happened with using tariff revenue to offset costs of OBBA's reforms. Research shows that lifetime marginal tax rates are already quite high (!!) so the gains here are big. eml.berkeley.edu/~auerbach/Marg…
You can compare across the different types of tax rates because as long as you know you're starting below optimal tariff rates, you know incremental tariff change to overall national welfare is positive, whereas it's highly negative for the income and capital taxes due to their efficiency costs and this would be true with any standard set of elasticities that yield a positive optimal tariff rate.
There's one other major point in the piece. And that's the full expensing embedded in OBBA. It interacts with the tariffs such that for most intermediate goods, they're effectively untariffed; you can get equipment surcharges refunded through the corporate tax code.
That comports with standard economic wisdom that intermediate inputs should be untaxed, while final goods should. jstor.org/stable/1910538
Finally, why couldn't I say this last year? As I said, the case for tariffs is overdetermined--there are natsec, financial stability, and tax reasons for doing tariffs. I find all of these persusasive.
However, the statutory justification for the tariffs last year was the national emergency of trade deficits via IEEPA.
Given IEEPA was litigated, it would have interfered with the legal case if I had said that tariffs were good for revenue and tax purposes, *even if* that's not actually the reason we gave in law for the tariffs. So I couldn't speak about revenue and taxation on the matter.
But, all the economics is valid. And I think tariffs will be with us for good, because just as the Biden Administration saw the wisdom of keeping the tariffs from the President's first term, subsequent administrations will as well with the new tariffs.

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More from @SteveMiran

May 22
Right before giving my seat on the Board of Governors to Chairman Warsh, I published a note with Federal Reserve colleagues, Alessandro Barbarino and Anthony Diercks.

We dive into software price trends, which have been a substantial driver of PCE inflation recently: (link next) Image
Software inflation accounts for over half of core goods inflation in the last four months. (We study four months because that's when software clearly inflected upward, the appropriate period will lengthen as time goes on)
What's driving this? For sure there are some genuine price increases in the category. And those are substantially upweighted in PCE relative to CPI; PCE places over 30x the weight on the category that CPI does. federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/…
Read 17 tweets
Nov 13, 2024
A USER'S GUIDE TO RESTRUCTURING THE GLOBAL TRADING SYSTEM

As markets look forward to a second Trump Admin, there are lots of bad predictions that tariffs will cause horrible inflation, or the President can't affect the dollar. Both are false. /1 hudsonbaycapital.com/documents/FG/h…
There's a variety of tools the Trump Admin can use to procure fairer and more reciprocal international trade, through tariffs or currency policy. Each tool has different potential side effects, but there are steps the Admin can take to mitigate them. /2
Disclaimer: As always, these views are mine alone, and I certainly don’t speak for any of my colleagues, and I’m not affiliated with the Trump transition effort. This is my interpretation of what causes our persistent imbalances, and describing various tools I think could help./3
Read 35 tweets
Aug 21, 2024
🧵
Since it was released, the paper on ATI that I wrote with @nouriel has provoked heated discussion, as well as denials from Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen. Some criticisms of the paper are already addressed within (I know, it’s long, easy to miss stuff), others are new. /1
There are two main criticisms I’ve seen of the paper. 1) Assertions that Treasury’s behavior is normal; 2) Questions regarding effect size and calculations. /2
Treasury’s response is that orthodox policy is to fund a spike in borrowing needs with bills. We agree, and give Treasury the benefit of the doubt that it refiling the government’s coffers after the debt limit suspension last spring was a genuine spike in funding needs. /3
Read 46 tweets
Aug 11, 2024
Sunday morning pre-coffee thinking aloud

Every expansion has growth scares. Recession callers will be right eventually. Will this be the time? I'm not seeing it yet. And monetary policy doves seem too cavalier about the risks of inflation being permanently engrained higher.
Core PCE was 3.3% in the first half of the year. I get it, they expect it to come down - but what if they're wrong? They have been quite wrong about inflation for a while. If the Fed cuts, unemployment stabilizes around 4% and inflation around 2.5%-3%, that's not a good outcome.
Recall that to get rising unemployment, you just need reduced hiring, you don't actually need substantial layoffs. Still, most of the rise in UE thus far is from new labor supply not being met by new hiring, NOT from steady state separations not then hired
Read 14 tweets
Jul 23, 2024
🚨🚨 New from me, joint with @Nouriel 🚨🚨
ATI: Activist Treasury Issuance and the Tug-of-War over Monetary Policy
How Treasury's issuance policies have stimulated markets and the economy and blocked the Fed's efforts to restrain growth and inflation
/1 tinyurl.com/ykmpps49

Image
Image
Summary: changes to Treasury's issuance policies have provided similar economic stimulus as a 1% cut in the Fed Funds rate, usurping core functions of monetary policy and blocking the Fed's efforts to restrain inflation and growth.
/2
One criticism of QE was that it eroded the barrier between monetary and fiscal policy. It turns out that if the Fed can cross this barrier, Treasury can as well. Activist Treasury Issuance (ATI) works through similar channels as Fed QE.
/3
Read 38 tweets
Mar 21, 2024
Delighted to present a bold new proposal for governance reform of the Federal Reserve system in a new @ManhattanInst report joint with @DanielScottKatz

The Fed has become increasingly political in its actions, and yet is beyond political accountability
manhattan.institute/article/reform…
The overriding problem is that political independence yields better monetary policy (in theory), but erodes democratic accountability. How do we provide more democratic legitimacy without compromising the quality of monetary policy?
Worse, the Fed has increasingly been overtly political in its actions, while hiding behind independence as a shield for taking political and fiscal decisions without democratic underpinning. For instance:
Read 19 tweets

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