Sunak and Truss's flagship Brexit freeport — Teesworks, Teesside — is effectively closed as a functioning freeport.
What's next for the site? A data centre. Designated an AI Growth Zone.
Same land. Same governance structure. New branding.
Standard seed capital for each of the UK's 12 freeports: £25 million.
Teesworks received £560 million in public funding.
A government review confirmed the private developers put no direct cash into the project. Energy Voice
The public took the risk. The private sector took the profit.
The mechanism.
Teesworks Ltd began as a 50/50 joint venture between the publicly owned South Tees Development Corporation and businessmen Chris Musgrave and Martin Corney. The majority of shares were then handed to the private partners at no additional cost, in secret.
Outcome: 90% private, 10% public.
Accounts published in January 2024 showed net profits of £54 million in an exceptional 2022/23 financial year, with millions extracted in dividend payments by the private partners. The developers had also made £68 million from a plot of land bought from the public sector for £1 per acre.
Public money. Private gain. No tender process.
Labour MP Andy McDonald called it "industrial-scale corruption" in the Commons.
Michael Gove blocked an NAO investigation, saying it would not have been "appropriate" work for the spending watchdog, and instead commissioned a panel of three local authority officers. ITV News
Angela Rayner also refused to pursue it.
No formal audit has ever been produced.
While the review was underway, Ben Houchen was awarded a peerage. Many figures under corruption investigations are suspended from their roles pending the outcome. Houchen was elevated to the Lords.
He is now Lord Houchen of High Leven, and chairs the body overseeing the site.
The data centre planning application at Teesworks was submitted by Teesworks Ltd.
The same vehicle. The same private majority shareholders. The company that is 90% privately owned by two local businessmen is now positioning for the AI Growth Zone era.
The extraction model doesn't end. It evolves.
A flagship blue hydrogen project, H2Teesside, was formally withdrawn in December 2025 after the data centre received planning permission on overlapping land. BP's decarbonisation project, which would have served genuine industrial users, was cleared out of the way.
Industrial jobs replaced by server halls. Public accountability replaced by private governance.
The UK has over 90 free zones.
Teesworks is the template, not the exception.
£560 million, no audit, profits flowing 90/10 to the private sector, and the public body that failed to scrutinise it chaired by the man who benefited most.
The question now is simple: which of the other 90 zones is running the same model?
A European Commission study published in October 2023 revealed there are 62 active free zones in the EU. Down from 82, which is a reduction of roughly a quarter, consistent with the pattern expected given the tightening regulatory environment.
The contrast with the UK model is stark.
EU free zone approvals are subject to EU state aid rules, under which it is illegal for member states to give financial advantages to companies.
That's the structural prohibition the UK freeport model was specifically designed to escape post-Brexit. Sunak's pitch was never really about trade logistics, it was about operating outside that constraint.
The European Parliament had already identified where the zone model leads without those constraints: a 2018 European Parliament report found that free zones carry significant money laundering and tax evasion risks, and the EU subsequently moved to tighten oversight rather than expand the model.
Conclusion
The EU once operated 82 free zones. Identifying systemic abuses:
Money laundering
Tax evasion
Corporate capture of the commons
The EU tightened regulations and contracted the network. There are now 62 free zones, and falling.
The UK currently operates over 90 free zones, and is adding more.
This isn't a normal trade instrument that responsible governments deploy.
It's one that the EU examined, found wanting, and wound back.
The UK looked at the same evidence and accelerated.
That's not a policy difference. It's a choice about who the state is working for.
I am a volunteer, who has been exposing the UK duopoly's collusion on the nationwide rollout of free zones immediately after Brexit.
Please support my research, read, share, and subscribe to my Substack ko-fi.com/europeanpowell
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Six UK Prime Ministers since 2016.
A seventh incoming.
Average tenure has collapsed from roughly five years to under eighteen months.
Most coverage asks why individuals keep failing.
Wrong question. 🧵
Cameron, May, Johnson, Truss, Sunak, Starmer. Two general election losses in that list.
The rest were removed by their own parties or resigned under internal pressure.
The mechanism isn't the electorate.
It's party discipline collapsing under its own contradictions.
Truss lasted 49 days after a mini-budget crashed the gilt market. The fastest removal in British history, and the clearest case: markets, not voters, ended that premiership within weeks.
Andy Burnham is days away from becoming Prime Minister.
His chief of staff will be James Purnell, CEO of Flint Global, a corporate lobbying firm whose clients include Amazon, Uber, BP, Apple, Airbnb and Thames Water. The utility Burnham says should be nationalised.
A thread on what is behind the soft left mask. substack.com/@europeanpowel…
Flint Global was bought by private equity firm Cinven in December 2025 for £190 million. The firm at the heart of a Burnham government is not just connected to corporate capital. It is owned by it.
While at Flint, Purnell told corporate clients: expect deregulation, no tax rises, spending cuts. That is the policy position of Burnham's incoming chief of staff, stated to paying clients before he entered Burnham's office.
Flint's political network spans every major party simultaneously:
— Starmer's former chief of staff Sam White: hired to advise clients on how Labour works
— Starmer's economics adviser Rav Athwal: author of Labour's 2024 manifesto
— Former Labour home secretary Baroness Jacqui Smith
— Former Labour minister Siôn Simon
— Former Rishi Sunak adviser Jean-André Prager: advising on disability benefits reform
— Former Nigel Farage aide Leah Thornton: confirmed advising Flint last year
— Kiran Horwich, Flint partner: previously worked for the Liberal Democrats in coalition
Labour. Conservative. Reform. Liberal Democrats. One lobbying firm. Owned by private equity.
WARNING⚠️
Andy Burnham is running to be Prime Minister on the strength of the Manchester Model.
Before the country decides, it should know what that model did with £600 million of public money in its own backyard.
GMCA's housing loan fund lent around £600 million to a single private developer, Daren Whitaker of Renaker, to build the skyscrapers that have redrawn Manchester's skyline.
A tribunal found GMCA failed to obtain a statement of assets and liabilities from Whitaker before lending.
🧵 x.com/EuropeanPowell…
A meeting between a senior GMCA officer and Whitaker at which loan terms appear to have been agreed produced no minutes or notes.
Court papers allege Renaker presented high profit figures to GMCA when seeking loans, and low profit figures to Manchester City Council when seeking affordable homes exemptions.
The outcomes from £600 million of public money:
11,000 homes built.
Fewer than 503 classed as affordable.
Under five percent.
Almost all the money went to central Manchester, serving the relatively affluent and offshore investors who bought apartments as buy-to-let vehicles.
What Burnham is proposing when he talks about more devolution is, structurally, more of the machinery that made Manchester's Investment Zone operational.
More mayors with MDC powers.
More combined authorities with planning authority. More regional bodies with the ability to designate zones, direct state aid, and signal to institutional capital that a given area is open for business.
Devolution is the delivery mechanism for zone architecture. Without devolved powers, you cannot establish a Mayoral Development Corporation. Without an MDC, you cannot concentrate planning powers, land assembly functions, and compulsory purchase authority into a single body that moves faster and with less democratic friction than a conventional local authority. Without those powers, the zone designation is a label without teeth.
The language of devolution being the language of democracy is an illusion - power to the regions, decisions made closer to communities, the north given a genuine voice.
That language is real, and it resonates for good reasons.
But the institutional architecture devolution produces, in practice, under the current policy framework, is exactly the architecture that zone designation requires. The two are not separate agendas.
Devolution is the vehicle. The zone is what gets delivered in it.
Free zones do not require acts of Parliament.
Enter secondary legislation, which is an insidious form of corporate governance.
Primary legislation is debated in Parliament, the public is consulted, the press is notified.
Secondary legislation passes by statutory instrument, often unopposed, almost always unreported.
If sovereignty cannot be seized all at once, it can be carved off, jurisdiction by jurisdiction, acre by acre, under administrative language that never announces what it is doing. Freeport. Special Economic Zone. AI Growth Zone. Charter city.
Each is a smaller bid for the same outcome the Network State pursues at the level of ideology: territory governed by selection and contract rather than by vote and accountability.🧵 open.substack.com/pub/europeanpo…
This is how England, Scotland, and Wales have been quietly carved into free zones, freeports, and now AI Growth Zones. Not through a single Act anyone voted on. Through instruments, designations, and mayoral powers stacked over a decade.
The pattern holds under both parties. Freeports were a Conservative flagship policy.
Labour didn't scrap them, it rebranded and expanded them, adding Investment Zones and AI Growth Zones on top of the same architecture.
⚠️What does BlackRock own in Scotland?
Because the answer is more than most people realise.
Start with ports.
BlackRock holds a 30% stake in Peel Ports, which operates Scotland's west coast infrastructure through Clydeport, King George V Dock in Glasgow, Greenock Ocean Terminal, Hunterston, and Ardrossan. Scottish ports, American shareholders.
Then wind energy.
BlackRock has direct exposure to Tormywheel wind farm in West Lothian and Glens of Foudland in Aberdeenshire.
It also holds a stake in Iberdrola, which owns Scottish Power, giving it indirect exposure to Whitelee, the UK's largest onshore wind farm.
Then the operational base.
Edinburgh has been BlackRock's first international office since 1995.
In 2025 it expanded to 140,000 sq ft at Dundas House, with a capacity for 1,400 staff.
It is now one of BlackRock's largest offices globally.