The origin of the Critical Theory was an essay by Frankfurt School director Max Horkheimer, titled "Traditional and Critical Theory," written in 1937. It says the same crap we deal with today.
The essence of Horkheimer's essay is that traditional theory, which is concerned with facts and figures and math and stuff, cares about understanding the world as it is without wanting to see beyond it or change it.
Therefore, the traditional theorist reproduces the society in which he works, un-Critically.
In fact, he doesn't even realize he's part of a historically contingent moment and just repeating and reaffirming the assumptions and class conflict of his time. (For Marxists, all of history, wrote Marx, is the history of (the evolution of) class antagonisms, so any particular moment in history is a particular set of class antagonisms based on a stage of historical development.)
Horkheimer writes,
"In this view of theory, therefore, the real social function of science is not made manifest; it speaks not of what theory means in human life, but only of what it means in the isolated sphere in which for historical reasons it comes into existence. Yet as a matter of fact the life of society is the result of all the work done in the various sectors of production. Even if therefore the division of labor in the capitalist system functions but poorly, its branches, including science, do not become for that reason self-sufficient and independent. They are particular instances of the way in which society comes to grips with nature and maintains its own inherited form."
In short, knowing what you're talking about is just a means of reproducing the oppressive society, so it's not actually that good. In fact, Horkheimer says the Critical Theory is suspicious of the very idea that the society we have produces good things at all.
Horkheimer writes,
"On the contrary, [Critical Theory] is suspicious of the very categories of better, useful, appropriate, productive, and valuable, as these are understood in the present order, and refuses to take them as nonscientific presuppositions about which one can do nothing."
For Horkheimer, there is no making anything "better, useful, appropriate, productive, or valuable" in the existing (capitalist) system because the whole thing is rotten and any improvements only make the situation worse by making people believe it is good or that it works. Dismal!
The alternative is to adopt a Critical Theory as a second and dominant dimension of theoretical thinking. This style of thinking imagines a world outside of the current system that is more concerned with living the good life than it is with getting right answers about the world or making things better inside the system.
Horkheimer writes,
"In fact, however, the self-knowledge of present-day man is not a mathematical knowledge of nature which claims to be the eternal Logos [traditional theory, strawmanned badly], but a critical theory of society as it is, a theory dominated at every turn by a concern for reasonable conditions of life."
This is the classic socialist strawman and sad-funny-dangerous confusion: only socialism has any "concern for reasonable conditions of life." Therefore, anything that isn't socialism is a system that doesn't have "concern for reasonable conditions of life." All of socialism is this conclusion in search of arguments and damage it can do to the existing system.
My point isn't these details, though. I'm only showing you them so you can see that they're there from the start. My point is telling you what a Critical Theory is and always has been.
It's the annoying claim that people who work to make the society we have better are upholding it and therefore a problem because they have decided the system we have is rotten at its very foundations and has to be replaced with socialism to be any good.
It doesn't matter that not one society ever in the history of man has made a socialist society work, and they have produced little more than squalor, misery, struggle, and death. People just haven't conceived of it rightly yet.
How should they conceive of it, then?
The Critical Theorists don't tell us. In fact, Horkheimer said some 30 years later that they can't tell us. He said that it is not possible to describe a good or ideal society on the terms of the existing society. "We lack the means," he said in a 1969 interview. All they can do, he insisted, is bring up the negative aspects of the society we have that they wish to change.
So Critical Theory is a belief that making society better is a moral wrong because it reproduces a society they hate. They cannot offer anyone a viable alternative, though. All they can do is complain about things that don't go perfectly until people come to hate the society they have for not being something they can't even describe.
For the New Discourses homies, there's more!
What Horkheimer was doing was re-establishing in a slightly new way Hegel's original hierarchical categories of "The Science" (Wissenschaft, as conceived of by Hegel in the early 19th century).
If you recall, Hegel divided Wissenschaft (The Science) into two levels, Vernunft (Reason, superior) and Verstand (Understanding, inferior). Working to understand the world was important but only revealed to you the world within the current Theoretical Idea, which is limited. Reason, as he called it, was more important because it pointed outside of the current conception through the dialectic. Understanding had to be made to reflect and indicate Reason, and Reason would draw out the contradictions that are unveiled to update the Theoretical Idea (closer to the Absolute).
For those really in the know, Hegel didn't even invent this. He, like most German mystics (er, "idealists") at the time, was Neoplatonic in much of his thinking and just imported it from Plato and then pretended he didn't, first by naming it all in German instead of the original Greek and then by never mentioning the fact.
For Plato, it was Scientia that was The Science, and it was hierarchically composed of episteme and dianoia (maybe plus techne) in the same relationship. I don't have to tell you what these things mean from the Greek because I already told you in the German imports.
The astute student of science here will immediately recognize that this program ("The Science") gets science exactly backwards, now that it has matured. As Richard Feynman said, the meaning of science is that it doesn't matter how beautiful your theory is (Vernunft, Reason, episteme, whatever), if it disagrees with observation (Verstand, understanding, dianoia, whatever), it's wrong.
That is, in the sciences, theory has to accord itself to the observations, not the other way around. Hegel's Wissenschaft and Plato's Scientia get science exactly inverted. Theories are comprehensive explanatory systems of all of the available established facts and observations. They are the product of "understanding," not the guide for it.
Horkheimer's project was just to rename Hegel's inverted categories of Wissenschaft in terms of two approaches to "theory." Understanding, Verstand, he renamed "traditional theory." Reason, Vernunft, he renamed "Critical Theory" and based all of its assumptions on Western Marxism as it was developing in the Frankfurt School (and before with characters like Gramsci and Lukacs).
He then projected the consequence of the inversion, which is that science/traditional theory exists to reaffirm itself as it already exists, onto traditional theory and to make Critical Theory the escape hatch from that Hermetically sealed epistemic loop. That is, he said it is traditional theory that forces all observations to fit existing theory, and Critical Theory sees beyond that (and with a different goal, the "reasonable conditions of life" or whatever.
Horkheimer writes exactly that,
"In the social division of labor the savant's [talented traditional theorist's] role is to integrate facts into conceptual frameworks and to keep the latter up-to- date so that he himself and all who use them may be masters of the widest possible range of facts. Experiment has the scientific role of establishing facts in such a way that they fit into theory as currently accepted. The factual material or subject matter is provided from without; science sees to its formulation in clear and comprehensible terms, so that men may be able to use the knowledge as they wish."
As a good little Marxist, he insists (just before this passage) that the reason is because these results are useful to industry, particularly industries that produce things like explosives. They're such slimy little bastards, aren't they?
Anyway, the Critical Theorist is the one who understands the relevant "social division of labor" here and therefore how the "savant" is just reproducing the given theory with no possible paradigmatic update (that is, becoming a socialist, ultimately).
So the Critical Theorist is the one with a predetermined conclusion (Vernunft), escape from the existing Hermetically closed system for socialism (the guiding "Reason" to do theory at all), who is forcing all analysis into it, and Horkheimer projects that onto the traditional theorist. This is the same thing every Critical Theorist today does when he insists that whatever it is just maintains the "status quo."
But, as is always the case, there's nothing new or interesting in the formulation of the Critical Theory. It's just recycled Hegel in more Marxist-materialist terms. It's just the same crackpot mysticism that keeps coming back and coming back and coming back in slightly new formulations with new terminology such that it can apparently bamboozle another series of generations of people for another century.
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Seems like a good day not just to talk about the DSA platform, which is (a) Communist af, (b) retarded, (c) unrealistic as hell, (d) childishly presented, and (e) extraordinarily radical -- calling for a new Constitution even -- but to do a thread showing its stupid points. 🧵
It starts off with an imaginative exercise, illustrated with silly cartoons: imagine you have a day off in a future without capitalism. Apparently you will work because you like to (a Marxist delusion) and you won't have any bills (another Marxist delusion).
The idea that you will work because you like to comes directly from Karl Marx's own vision of a Communist circumstance, where the worker has been transformed back to his original/completed "social (i.e., human)" nature. This vision includes the idea that people will see work, not for themselves but for the community, as their main desired life activity.
Communism posits that you and everyone else (who can) will work on behalf of everyone else but never yourself because you have been re-educated (re-socialized, Mao: ideologically remolded) to believe in working for the commune.
Everything you have will therefore be provided to you by the organizing force of the society, which is left vague. Everyone knows it will be the state, which is what calling them "common goods and utilities" refers to, but Communists, including the DSA a few more lines down, believes that in the realized Communist world that never arrives, there won't be a state.
In the meantime, it will be the state, which is organized entirely to resocialize and remold you into a socialist (that is, human being, says Marx) who accepts this ridiculous notion.
So it starts off by asserting that things other people have to work to provide for you are to be free because they're human rights and that everyone (including you) will have to work to provide these things for everyone else (but not yourself) because you've been psychologically transformed to believe in working for the sake of upholding the magical community, including all its loafers, free riders, cheats, scoundrels, etc.
Socialists would object here by saying that being such a thing would be outlawed (by the state that isn't supposed to exist) and punished (again, by the state that doesn't exist), and in practice, every socialist/Communist state has actually done this. The problem is that the socialists and Communists in charge get to decide who the criminals and loafers are, and it's funny how most of their political enemies end up on that list regardless of anything else.
Oh, and what you really don't have isn't bills. It's recourse when your rights get violated. If the Communists in charge (state or not) decide you're a problem, you don't have any individual rights. Those are bourgeois, selfish, and against the will and needs of "the people," who you have been remolded to always support.
Mao instructed that the purpose of this ideological remolding, by the way, is to learn to see from "the people's standpoint," which means as the Communists want you to see it, as the right theoretical representatives of "the people," who are, in Mao's definition as well, those who support the building of socialism. Everyone else is "the enemies of the people," and the purpose of the people's democratic dictatorship of the proletariat, say both Mao and Lenin, is to crush the enemies of the people.
If you are listed as enemies of "the people," you will not be enfranchised (voting) because that's not real people's or proletarian democracy. You will not have free speech because you misinform people away from the people's standpoint and cause agitation and division, plus it's an expression of your bourgeois values because not everyone has equal access to speak. You have no rights to due process because the Communist leadership knows what is best and knows all, including all your (imaginary) crimes. You have no right to your property because that's the primary thing Communism is abolishing.
Good luck, Wokies! It's only worked like this every time!
After spending one whole short paragraph talking about how you'll live in a magical world with no bills, the DSA goes on with its fantasy and cartoons to imagine your day off. Yes, your day off. Your one day off.
In China today, which operates under CCP control, allegedly not even fully Communist or something, the workers or laboring class (who the title of the document says "deserve more") called "ku li" (bitter work) work 12-hour days, 28 days in a row, with the 29th day off. They're paid in a combination of RMB and rice and live in hovels, usually with a few bunks to a room and no indoor bathroom. They wash in a basin on the sidewalk outside of their hovel, if they wash.
That's what happens when you live under Communism for a while, though. They wouldn't tell you that up front!
But what they actually wrote in this little fantasy is interesting. In the morning you might do some basic things (like stand silently in a bread line). In the afternoon, you might do some hobbies. In the evening, you can recreate. This is an allusion, though. The framing they present is actually borrowed from... Karl Marx!
This is how Karl Marx envisioned the daily life of a realized Communist in a world without capitalism, from The German Ideology:
“For as soon as the distribution of labour comes into being, each man has a particular, exclusive sphere of activity, which is forced upon him and from which he cannot escape. He is a hunter, a fisherman, a herdsman, or a critical critic, and must remain so if he does not want to lose his means of livelihood; while in communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or critic.”
In practice, Mao Zedong used this idea to make sure that every Communist worker was also fully well-rounded in all the jobs: student, teacher, farmer, steelworker, army, etc. He turned the working population into a de facto military corps and sent people, who never became those things, like Marx said, from one job to the next in cycles. The result was everything that was actually done was done by people mostly incompetent to do them. Guess how it worked out! Famines! Disasters! Catastrophes! Failures!
The punishment for those things was gulag, hard labor, thought-reform prison, withholding of food at the canteen (often a death sentence), or death. Worked great!
But this isn't the paragraph about your work. They don't talk about that much here. This is your one coveted day off. You could do all kinds of things without ever having to become good at anything!
PS: Unless you're in the Party, you're not taking any trips, so don't bother planning them. LOL joke's on you. Don't count on that doctor being there or worth going to either. The movie will be mandatory, and it will be brainwashing propaganda.
Canada seems to be trying to set some kind of record for being a completely self-unaware Woke retard country, and this official parliamentary report on combating antifeminism is a great unintentionally hilarious but terrifying new example.
You can tell from the summary that this is going to be grade-A retardation where the feminists and masculinity scholars (lol) who wrote it cannot begin to fathom that what they're on about is 100% predictable backlash to their own feminist abuses of men, boys, society, and women.
I'm not going to go through it all here, but these recommendations are so stereotypically Woke that it's funny except that they're actually going to implement it and aim to criminalize totally normal things because they can't figure out that people hate being abused by them.
Some more ramblings of Russian anti-West, anti-American, weirdo Aleksandr Dugin, darling of the Woke Right, sounding surprisingly like JD Vance's economic policy (which Grok will confirm if asked):
"The true "third way" in economics found its classic embodiment in the works of Friedrich List, who formulated the principles of "economic autarchy of large spaces."
"This theory proceeds from the fact that the economic development of capitalist societies is uneven and from the logical consequence of economic colonization by the "richer" countries of the poorer ones; moreover, for the "rich" in such conditions "free trade" is beneficial, and for the "poor" on the contrary.
"From this, List concluded that at certain stages of the economic development of society, it is necessary to resort to protectionism, dirigism and customs restrictions, i.e. to limit the principle of "freedom of trade" at the international level, in order to achieve the level of national and state independence and strategic power.
["Dirigism" refers to an economic system in opposition to laissez-faire in which the state takes an active and directive role in shaping and guiding the economy, rather than limiting itself to a purely regulatory or hands-off approach within a market economy.]
"In other words, it was obvious to List that the economy should be subordinated to national interests, and that any appeal to the "autonomous logic of the market" is only a cover for the economic (and subsequently political) expansion of rich states to the detriment of the poorer, and the subsequent enslavement of the latter.
"This approach immediately sets clear boundaries in which the "market" principle should operate, and in which the "socialist" one.
"It is interesting that Rathenau, the author of the German "economic miracle," and Witte, Lenin, and even Keynes formulated their economic principles on the basis of the doctrine of Friedrich List, although they used a language that was closer to or purely capitalist, or communist vocabulary, that the economy should be subordinated to national interests, and that any appeal to the "autonomous logic of the market" is only a cover for the economic (and subsequently political) expansion of rich states to the detriment of the poorer, and the subsequent enslavement of the latter."
CC: @PhilWMagness
After describing the theory a little, our behated weirdo continues, ominously given the context:
"It is very interesting that it was the Friedrich List model that was used by historically developed capitalist countries in times of crisis. Thus, even the United States, the radical defenders of the principle of "free trade", periodically resorted to protectionist measures and state subsidies to the industrial sector when periods of "economic depression" began.
"It was precisely such a period that was the stage of implementation of the New Deal, when the Americans almost literally reproduced the principles of List, although they submitted them in a relaxed version of Keynes, the author of the theory of "economic insulation", which, in general, is nothing but a new name for the theory of "economic autarky of large spaces ".
"By the way, List himself lived in the United States for a long time and observed the process of capitalist construction in the early phases. Based on these observations, he formulated the basic principles of his theory in relation to Germany. But, of course, the most ambitious results were given by the implementation of List's doctrine in National Socialist Germany, when his ideas were implemented totally and without any liberal or Marxist amendments."
Sounds very Woke Right overall, including the idea of a new New Deal, the favortism of FDR who implemented it, and all the rest. The Woke Right's rejection of Keynes here and a certain revisionist tendency that shows up in that last sentence in Dugin is blatantly concerning.
For further context, Dugin began this discussion (in The Foundations of Geopolitics) by criticizing the application of Hayek to the Russian context in the post-USSR period (which is what he's technically writing about here). All our favorite Woke Right weirdos also criticize Hayek rather strangely and specifically, claiming he is the falsely "conservative" wing of the same liberal (or neoliberal) project that gives us Woke and Communism.
Very interesting, indeed.
CC: @PhilWMagness
It gets a little worse. Remember, this is Dugin writing in 1997 for the Russian context, but our question is why is this the American post-liberal vision today in these United States of America:
"It is this version of the "third way" economy that is the only alternative in today's Russia, which is opposed at the same time to rampant liberalism and restorationist projects of neo-communists who do not want to seriously correct outdated and proved ineffective dogmas. If it were not for the instantly emerging associations with the Hitler regime, one could call this project "socialism of the national type.""
Rather than foregrounding identity politics, it will push:
1) Affordability (Marxist materialism); 2) Anti-corruption (ironic but an excuse to go after Trump); 3) Anti-Israel (pro-Palestine).
It will be warm to political violence.
The identity politics won't go away, but it won't be foregrounded any longer. It will definitely play supporting roles. They won't lead with it, though.
They'll find much superficial alignment with the Woke Right and Woke-ish "Libertarians" on their three key issues and violence
The agreement will only be superficial and occasionally strategic to block actual patriots. Like with every issue upon which they align, Woke Left (2.0) and Woke Right will come at the issues from different angles, e.g. pro-Palestine vs anti-Israel. Applies to all issues.
From my Woke Encyclopedia, an explanation of the "friend-enemy distinction" of Carl Schmitt, which is the Woke political logic. Link at the end!🧵
(1/13) The friend-enemy distinction refers to the cornerstone object of the political and judicial philosophy of a German theorist named Carl Schmitt, who wrote a number of works of right-wing political philosophy and thought before becoming such an enthusiastic Nazi in 1933, just after Adolf Hitler took power, that he earned the informal title “the Crown Jurist of the Third Reich.”
Though most of his significant political thinking was done both before and after he was a Nazi, during the years when he was a part of Hitler’s National Socialist movement and Party, he contributed strongly to the legal theory that justified the Nazi “total state,” including writing the 1933 piece that gets rendered in English as “The Legal Basis for the Total State,” which is significantly based upon the friend-enemy distinction.
Friend-enemy distinction:
(2/13) Schmitt’s thought is primarily of interest on the Woke Right, where he is a favored thinker and model political mind. He is vigorously forwarded for a handful of his political concepts, perhaps most visibly his “friend-enemy distinction” as the essential criterion of what makes politics political. This idea is first presented and developed in full detail in his 1927/32 book The Concept of the Political.
Friend-enemy distinction:
(3/13) For Schmitt, what makes the politics political is the distinction between (public) friend and (public) enemy, where enemies are defined as those who are interested in destroying one’s way of life and friends are defined as those who are willing to band together in its defense.
Schmitt specifically compares the essential nature of this distinction in politics to the distinction between good and evil in morality, beautiful and ugly in aesthetics, and profitable versus non-profitable in economics.
That is, politics is only political to the degree that it recognizes the possibility of factions that exist in mutual enmity underwritten by the potentially existential threat of violence. Of course, that means that Schmitt believes the essential criterion of politics is war, which he reveals also in part by making his point by completing the identity contained in von Clausewitz’s famous remark that “war is politics by other means.”