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Geneva Convention IV (Art 53) prohibits destruction by an occupying power of all public and private property, except in cases of absolute military necessity. This limited exception has been endlessly expanded to become the norm, as Gaza devastation attests.
https://twitter.com/CIJ_ICJ/status/1811763705194959357In Namibia case, the #ICJ considered the legal effects of prolonged occupation. In Wall case, it considered Israel’s construction of a ‘separation barrier’ in the West Bank. Both rulings were crushing, on unlawfulness of occupation ⬇️ & practices towards annexation, respectively.
In the Afghanistan war, at least 25 separate attacks (possibly dozens more) were mounted by Taliban insiders in the Afghan National Army, with insiders killing 714 NATO and ANA personnel by 2017. The US/UK response was to increase support for the ANA
The hearing is to decide which, if any, ‘provisional measures’ requested by SA should be ordered. In Gambia v Myanmar the ICJ basically just said abide by obligations under the Genocide Convention. In Ukraine v Russia👇, the ICJ said suspend military operations. And with Israel?
This was submitted last month in the ICJ Genocide case against *Myanmar*. The factual context is different from Gaza but the Declarants advance interesting arguments re genocidal intent, treatment of children & forced displacement. 2/5
Israel could not have known the exact no. of civilians that would be killed, but given location, intel & choice of munitions, a high level of CIVCAS must have been expected. The eventual toll of 100s of casualties would have been a reasonable expectation. https://twitter.com/manisha_bot/status/1719824685766943177