" Three days ago, when I should have normally written to you this letter, a heavy blow fell upon all of us and upon India .

(1/n). We shall take a long time to recover from it and, even so, there will always be a sense of emptiness for those who had the privilege of knowing and working with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

(2/n).

Debunking Myths and Lies about Jawaharlal Nehru regarding Jammu and Kashmir:

(1/n). 1. On Ceasefire:

Why India had a Ceasefire?

Nehru Government was advised by the Army for a ceasefire with Pakistan in 1948. It can be proved from the correspondence between Jawaharlal Nehru and then Commander- in - Chief , General Sir Francis Robert Roy Bucher.

(2/n).

Economic policy of Jawaharlal Nehru:

" In 1950, India met nearly 90 percent of its needs of machines and even machine tools through imports.

(1/n).

https://twitter.com/TVMohandasPai/status/1724317506892935412

This meant that despite political independence, she was completely dependent on the advanced countries for achieving any economic growth though investment.

(2/n).

" The conflict is not essentially between the Arabs and the Jews. We must remember that the present problem of Palestine is of recent creation.

(1/n). It has come into existence since the Great War and the responsibility for it must rest with the British Government, which made lavish promises to both the Arabs and the Jews during the war and sought to exploit both to their own advantage.

(2/n).

See how cleverly Mr Distortion has hidden the word ‘Informally’.
For those who want to know the truth, the following quote is from Jawaharlal Nehru's note about his visit to the USSR on August 1, 1955.

(1/n).

https://twitter.com/ARanganathan72/status/1679461978698584065

On September 27, 1955, Nehru was asked a short notice question in this regard in Parliament by JN Parekh.

(2/n).

"Whatever view one might take of the Agreement, one thing seems perfectly clear to me. Sardar Patel, in a very moving speech addressed to the Congress Party last evening, laid great stress on this aspect. This is the fact that having arrived at this Agreement, both our honour and self-interest demand that we should implement it to the full. Not to do so would not only discredit us but harm us greatly.

"But now a fresh cause of friction arose, something that was ever present, ever recurring. This was the question of music before mosques. Objection was taken by Muslims to music or any noise which interfered with their prayers in their mosque. In every city there are many mosques , and five times every day they have prayers, and there is no lack of noises and processions ( including marriage and funeral processions). So the chances of friction was always present .
In

BOOKS BY ACHARYA NARENDRA DEVA (1889-1956) PDF ON INTERNET (Via Qurban Ali and Ravela Somayya) SOCIALISM AND THE NATIONAL - REVOLUTION

by ACHARYA NARENDRA DEVA EDITED BY YUSUF MEHERALLY PADMA PUBLICATIONS LTD

BOMBAY.1946.

archive.org/details/in.ern…

" We did not grow much more truthful perhaps than we had been previously, but Gandhi was always there as a symbol of uncompromising truth to pull us up and shame us into truth. What is truth? I do not know for certain, and perhaps our truths are relative and absolute truth is beyond us. Different persons may and do not take different views of truth, and each individual is powerfully influenced by his own background, training and impulses.

" Dr. Ambedkar, as every Member of this House knows, played a very important part in the making of the Constitution of India, subsequently in the Legislative part of the Constituent Assembly and later in the Provisional Parliament. After that, he was not a Member of Parliament for some time. Then, he came back to the Rajya Sabha of which he was a sitting Member.

He is often spoken of as one of the architects of our Constitution.

Lucknow
29 September 1929

My beloved Jawahar:

I wonder if in the whole of India there was yesterday a producer heart than your father's or a heavier heart than yours. Mine was the peculiar position of sharing in almost equal measure both his pride and your pain. I lay awake until late into the night thinking of the significance of the words I had used so often in reference to you, that you were predestined to a splendid martyrdom.

Do watch part 1. Part 2.

"We have a great deal of evidence to show that the R.S.S. is an organisation which is in the nature of a private army and which is definitely proceeding on the strictest Nazi lines, even following the technique of organisation.

(1/n). It is not our desire to interfere with civil liberties. But training in arms of large numbers of persons with the obvious intention of using them is not something that can be encouraged.

(2/n).

"Nehru was the first of the Afro Asians. He stated on the anti colonial struggle fifty years ago when joining an anti _colonial movement meant not the glory of quick independence and high office, but a grim prospect of interminable hardship and repression....

(1/n). It was different for those who joined in anti _colonial movements after the Second World War...He gave his unceasing support to all the anti colonial revolutions elsewhere in Asia and Africa...

(2/n).

"Ever since I have been going to Bhowali, I have tried as gently but as persistently as possible to approach her mind, to explain to her my outlook . . . I was beginning to hope that we were drawing nearer to each other . . .

(1/n). I felt attracted to her and a little fascinated by this mental adventure. And then suddenly I saw that all my efforts had been wholly in vain. She was further away than ever from me and an almost unbridgeable chasm stretched out between us.

(2/n).

TEMPLES OF THE NEW AGE
08th JULY, 1954.

"I have occasion frequently these days to participate in functions marking the inauguration of some new work or completion of some other. Today, you and I and all these persons have gathered here on one such occasion.

(1/n). I want to know from you what you think and feel in your minds and hearts on this occasion, because in my heart and mind there is a strange exhilaration and excitement, and many kinds of pictures come before me.

(2/n).

" On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognising the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value.

(1/n). In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions?

(2/n).

1950 January 26, Thursday; FIRST DAY OF THE REPUBLIC

After several days of bone-chilling weather, brilliant sunshine greeted New Delhi on January 26, 1950. The mood in the capital was electric.

(1/n). People were exchanging greetings for the new era that had just dawned under the new Constitution.

For Rajendra Prasad, it was a hectic day. He started with a visit to Rajghat to pay homage to the Mahatma.

(2/n).

Text of the Poorna Swaraj Resolution.

We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as of any other people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full opportunities of growth.

(1/n). We believe also that if any government deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them the people have a further right to alter it or to abolish it.

(2/n).

" I am inclined, however, to think that in proportion to their numbers, and considering India as a whole, the Muslims have never ceased to play an important role in the public life
of the country, whether before or under British rule

(1/n). -—and that the distinction between Hindu and Muslim of which we hear so much nowadays is largely an artificial creation,
a kind of Catholic—Protestant controversy in Ireland, in which our present-day rulers have had a hand.

(2/n).

"Some people ask me why I am now praising Subhas Bose when I had opposed him while he was in India. I want to give a frank reply to this question. Subhas Bose and I were co-workers in the struggle for freedom for 25 years. He was younger to me by two or four years.

(1/n). Our relations with each other were marked by great affection. I used to treat him as my younger brother. It is an open secret that at times there were differences between us on political questions.

(2/n).