Besides living in Shanghai for a few months and experiencing Chinese benefits on a daily basis, visiting the Chinese Communist Party History Museum in Beijing yesterday reiterated once against how epic China's modern story truly is. The scale of the Chinese revolution and the subsequent building of the state is nothing short of monumental.

What strikes me most, however, is how little the left in the (and not only) West seems to truly grasp this (I’m also guilty of this in the past). I use the left in the West because it’s the left I know, and the left that’s hegemonic around the world. There's a profound lack of engagement, a failure to give this history its due attention. Western movements are analyzed to death, while understanding China is often reduced to reading a single book—if that. The myopia of the Western left, in particular, is staggering. As the hegemonic left globally, its outsized influence is matched only by its undersized victories, and it remains trapped in a framework that cannot comprehend the epic unfolding elsewhere.


The Chinese revolutionary and modernization narrative is one of collective sovereignty, civilizational revival, and sustained material transformation over a century. For much of the Western left, the primary focus has historically been on critique of their own systems, labor struggles, and more recently, identity and cultural politics. The scale and central thrust of China's project—a state-led, party-organized mobilization for national rejuvenation—doesn't easily fit into these established modes of thought.

Making of Georgia’s Rentier Class, Part I (1991-2001)

New groundbreaking research examines why post-Soviet Georgia never pursued meaningful industrial policy—and instead became a rentier state. 🧵

(Follow my substack for in-depth summary) The answer isn’t “Soviet legacy.” It’s the deliberate outcome of Western-prescribed shock therapy, IMF/World Bank conditionalities, and a captured state.

How does Marx's critique of capitalism differ? Bourgeois economists project modern "human nature" onto the past, making capitalism seem eternal. Marx shows capitalism is a specific, historical system that produces a specific kind of person. 🧵 The "individual" celebrated by bourgeois economists is not a universal truth. This independent, self-interested person is a product of capitalism itself. Pre-capitalist people were tied to clans, guilds, & land for survival. Individualism is historical.

New Study on Georgia's Class Structure! 🧵
Georgia’s post-Soviet deindustrialization and neoliberalism reshaped its class structure—and what it means for inequality, exploitation, and political possibility. Why class analysis?
The authors argue it reveals hidden structures of domination. Class shapes life chances, political power, and resistance and even class solidarity.

Few know that BCCI (bank)—used by CIA to funnel covert funds to the mujaheddin and other dark ops starting in 1970s—was registered in Luxembourg to give it a veneer of European legitimacy. Luxembourg quietly has been building itself into a shameless tax haven for global finance🧵 How did a tiny monarchy with no central bank, no army, and only one university become a player in space capitalism and the global financial underworld?
Luxembourg turned their sovereignty into profit.

Thread: Of course Epstein looks like a conspiracy—it’s designed to. When centralized systems face exposure, they don’t die. They mutate. Cold War’s covert networks didn’t vanish in the ‘90s. They fragmented into private jets, offshore accounts, and "philanthropic" black boxes. Backstory: BCCI (1972-1991) The CIA’s real "bank of doom."Financed anti-Soviet jihadists in Afghanistan. Laundered drug money. Funneled arms via Adnan Khashoggi. Linked Saudi intel + Pakistani ISI + Langley. A perfect covert pipeline. Then it collapsed.

Thread: I’ve said it before: the US hasn’t produced a serious thinker since the USSR fell. And now I know why. Ironically, Cold War intellectuals were sharper because they were state-funded. When the state withdrew, privatized chaos took over—and thinking collapsed with it. The Cold War wasn’t just a geopolitical standoff—it completely reorganized intellectual life. In the US and beyond, it reshaped universities, research, academic freedom, and even the meaning of knowledge.

Thread: In 1975, only the USSR agreed to have its human rights record internationally monitored.
No Western country—including the U.S.—subjected itself to the same scrutiny.
This was not about universal rights. It was Cold War strategy. The Helsinki Accords, signed August 1, 1975.
It was meant to reduce East–West tensions. In return for recognition of post-WWII borders, the USSR accepted Basket III:
- Human rights
- Free movement
- Freedom of information

Thread: Part Two of "The Black Book of Communism in Pan-European Perspective"

The book’s release also sparked political turmoil. A right-wing MP accused communist cabinet members of being complicit in communism’s “crimes.” PM Jospin stood by them, saying he was “proud” to have them in his government—exposing how memory politics were weaponized. After the storm: Courtois followed the Black Book with a 2002 sequel, Du passé faisons table rase! ("Let’s Wipe the Slate Clean!"), marketed as The Black Book didn’t tell the whole story. It expanded the scope of anti-communist memory politics to Italy, Bulgaria & beyond.

In "An Anti-communist consensus: The Black Book of Communism in Pan-European Perspectives," authors argue book was turning point in emergence of a consensual historical narrative across former East-West divide as it enabled formation of revamped European anti-communist movement. The Black Book of Communism (1997) became a global bestseller by framing communism as morally equal—or worse—than Nazism. Its claim of 100M victims became a cornerstone of anti-communist memory, especially in post-Soviet Europe, shaping laws, discourse, and EU identity.

THREAD: Why is antifascism fading from Europe's official memory, while anti-communism is rising?
And what does this shift mean for democracy, the far right, and the future of political possibility?

Let's talk about memory politics — and how it shapes power. After 1989, Europe didn't just “move on” from communism.
It rewrote its memory.
Across parliaments, museums, schools, and courtrooms, a new consensus emerged: Liberal democracy defeated totalitarianism — and the past became a morality play.

I was gifted a Soviet Georgian book about Middle East from the 1980s and started reading it.

‘The United States has always viewed the Middle East in two dimensions: its strategic location and its vast oil wealth.

At the junction of three continents, at the crossroads of air, sea and land routes connecting Europe with Africa and Asia, and in close proximity to the socialist states, American imperialism sees the Arab countries as an important strategic springboard. It is no coincidence that 14 of the 19 states under the jurisdiction of the United States Central Command, created in 1983, are Arab countries. This command has at its disposal a 250,000-strong intervention corps of the “rapid deployment forces.”

As for oil, it is known that the world economy depends on oil more than on any other raw material. This has been reflected not only in the development of international economic relations, but also in the development of world politics as a whole. “Politics and oil are inseparable. One is closely related to the other in every part of the world”— emphasized the American scientist I. Edmonds.

The main areas of oil deposits and production are concentrated in the liberated countries. Almost three-quarters of the oil produced in the non-socialist world comes from the liberated countries, while three-quarters of the consumption comes from the developed capitalist countries.

In 1983, the Middle East accounted for 63.2 percent of the oil reserves and 44.2 percent of the gas reserves of capitalist countries. In the same year has given us 30.5 percent of the capitalist world's oil reserves. At the same time, the United States has recently become less and less dependent on Middle Eastern oil. But its interest in these countries is still great - Washington's partners are still very dependent on Middle Eastern oil. At the end of the 1970s, the share of Middle Eastern oil in all oil imported into the United States was 30 percent, while for Western Europe and Japan this figure was 66 and 80 percent, respectively. At the same time, the share of oil from the Persian Gulf countries in American imports of this raw material is constantly decreasing, for example, in 1983 it was already 7%, while for American allies this share remained at a high level.

Posing as a defender of Western oil interests in the Middle East, Washington wants to use the situation to further suppress its European partners and Japan, to prevent them from attempting to independently solve many foreign policy problems, especially since "the relations between the three main centers of imperialism - the United States, Western Europe and Japan - are filled with obvious and hidden contradictions. The economic, financial, and technological advantage that the United States had over its closest competitors until the end of the 1960s was seriously challenged. Western Europe and Japan were able to narrow the gap in some respects with the American master.’

"I learned that global North countries were not enthusiastic about the 2018 mass protests and only supported the movement after its success. Within civil society circles, the explicitly anti-oligarch stance of the movement had reportedly been a major worry for Western embassies in Yerevan, which, during meetings with NGO representatives, expressed fears that a government opposed to the free market would come to power. These fears proved unfounded, much to their relief. After the regime change, the protest leadership who replaced the regime included individuals from civil society and NGO backgrounds."
Sona Baldrian

Read this incredible article, "Interweaving Story and Theory: Confronting Anti-Feminism and Anti-Genderism in the NGOized Women’s Movement in Armenia"

politikon.iapss.org/index.php/poli… "The 2018 regime change shifted this dynamic, as the state welcomed the inpouring development aid and, by extension, work with local NGOs, opening doors for closer cooperation...this article argues that due to their increasingly bureaucratized, professionalized, and institutionalized structures in the post-2018 era, Armenian women’s rights NGOs have become disconnected from grassroots needs and estranged from street-level actors, focusing instead on political agendas shaped by larger geopolitical power structures and shifts"

Here are some thoughts about Georgian protests as "leaderless", the situation is evolving so these are still sketches.

One of the main messages surrounding the protests in Georgia, which began on November 28th following the government’s statement that it would halt EU accession talks (a move already paused by the EU until 2028), is the notion that it is a leaderless movement, with opposition political parties playing a marginal role. Videos show protesters expressing their discontent with the opposition, and numerous social media posts highlight that the protests transcend support for political parties. While the initial protests were sparked by the government's stance on EU accession, they gained further momentum due to police brutality. This escalation led to political narratives framing the government as a repressive state and a police regime.

Before the protests on November 28th, the sentiment that the 2024 elections were rigged was largely marginal. However, after the protests began, it became commonplace to refer to the elections as rigged. The central demand of this leaderless uprising quickly became the call for new elections. Following the police repression, another key demand emerged: the release of all those who had been arrested. While most of the arrested individuals have been released, some still face criminal charges.

The demand for new elections in the context of protests that are allegedly about a wide range of grievances—rather than a specific push for opposition political power—raises important questions about the coherence and long-term impact of the protests. On the surface, it might seem paradoxical for a movement that is critical of the government and its broader repressive tactics to demand new elections, especially if the protesters, who are not aligned with any political party, are not represented in the political process. If opposition parties were to win these elections, and none of the protesters were directly represented, it’s unclear what tangible gains they would achieve from this outcome. In essence, they are advocating for a process that might benefit the very political entities they do not support or trust.

This paradox becomes more pronounced when we consider the role of opposition parties in the protests. While the opposition has largely refrained from taking an overt leadership role—likely aware that doing so could alienate many protesters who are wary of party politics—they have nonetheless managed to capitalize on the protests’ momentum. Just a month ago, it would have been difficult for opposition parties to garner significant public support for such a demand. Yet, the protests’ growing momentum has shifted public discourse to the point where the call for new elections has become a central, unifying demand. This shift in sentiment can be seen as a strategic win for the opposition, even though the protesters themselves may not feel directly represented by them. A similar dynamic was visible during the large protests earlier in the year against the controversial "Russian law" concerning foreign funding transparency. While the protests were largely driven by youth and new political actors who did not align with the existing political establishment, opposition parties ultimately stepped in to use the momentum for their own purposes. The youth protesters, who were at the forefront of the demonstrations and faced police violence such as tear gas and water cannons, did not support the old, unpopular political figures within the opposition. However, after the protests, the opposition moved to revive their old politicians, many of whom had been out of favor for years. This led to a disconnection between the aspirations of the protesters and the political benefits reaped by the opposition, who were able to stand in elections without fully addressing the issues raised by the protesters.

The protests thus find themselves locked in a cycle where they are demanding new elections, but in a manner that ultimately does not directly benefit the protesters themselves. The opposition, while staying out of the direct leadership of the protests to avoid alienating the protest base, is nonetheless positioned to gain politically from the unrest. In this way, the protests are not translating into the political power that the protesters may have hoped for, and their demands are being co-opted by political forces that do not fully represent the broader, leaderless movement. For those involved in the protests, as their grievances and calls for change are being absorbed into a political system that they have long rejected.

Germany is about to pass one of the most odious bills criminalizing speaking out against Israel in schools, universities, in organizations, in art and culture- especially by Middle Eastern people

‘In recent months, the alarming extent of antisemitism based on immigration from the countries of North Africa and the Middle East, where antisemitism and hostility
towards Israel are widespread, partly due to Islamist and anti-Israeli state indoctrination, has become clear.’ ‘The Bundestag reaffirms the budgetary regulations for the allocation of funds on the
basis of the liberal democratic basic order for all recipients of federal funding. The
Bundestag reaffirms its decision to ensure that no funding is provided to
organizations and projects that spread antisemitism, question Israel's right to
exist, call for a boycott of Israel or actively support the BDS movement’

On Saturday, Georgians went to the polls amid a tense atmosphere. A video began circulating of a man attempting to stuff multiple ballots while election observers tried to stop him. Dozens of people and cameras were present, and the footage quickly spread across local, international, and social media platforms. Additional videos of scuffles outside polling stations also gained wide attention, painting a picture of widespread violence and ballot-stuffing. Additional videos of scuffles outside polling stations also gained wide attention, painting a picture of widespread violence and ballot-stuffing.

Today's OSCE briefing about Georgian Elections.

The Full breakdown can actually just be read here.
osce.org/files/f/docume…

The question and answer session is written below.

JUST NOTE: Most of the delegation heads are politicized, I would pay attention to Murphy who actually heads the ODIHR mission.

Journalist from Politico: You have painted a bleak picture of democracy in Georgia. Was this election stolen?

Antonio Lopez -Isturiz White, the head of EU parliament Delegation: We are not here to state if these elections are stolen. The findings, the testimonies before elections, we are not here to comment on validity. Journalist from Radio Freedom Georgia: What you have witnessed and documented, does that help or hinder return to European trajectory which was stated before the elections that the country was derailed from that trajectory.

Pia from OSCE- Parliamentary Assembly: In my opinion, it's too premature to say. It depends on after elections, what kind of government will be constituted and what they will do. The constitution that it is the aim of these people.

‘After all, EU hasn’t paused Georgia’s membership accession over dire working conditions, the absence of minimum wage, or lack of unemployment insurance. Instead, the process was stalled over laws regulating NGOs and LGBT rights — niche issues framed as matters of democracy.’ The stakes are high in Georgia's upcoming election, which is seen as a decisive moment for the country’s future. The pro-European, pro-Western opposition views this vote as critical to keeping Georgia on its path toward EU integration. Meanwhile, the ruling Georgian Dream party claims to share these goals, despite accusations of favoring closer ties with Russia

In 1992, I was in Moscow on the way to fly to the US. My stepfather who was an ardent anti-communist took me to an American opened ice cream shop with ‘hundreds’ of flavors to show me the superiority of capitalism - not just 2 flavors of USSR. I hated the flavors but didn’t

https://twitter.com/picturesussr/status/1828011756427386980

Have the heart or courage to tell him, it was terrible and tasted unnatural. I preferred the 2 flavors and with fresh strawberries - 3 flavors of Soviet Union. He was conditioning me to hate communism. He would take photos of me in grocery stores in USA and I’d happily smile

From Vadym Yakovlev

‘what strikes me in Europe during all this time of being here is the absence of a strong anti-war movement. every month some European official-politician declares that we are on the brink of war, and there is no reaction on it… there are no protests, demonstrations... militarization, propaganda of patriotism and war is becoming the norm in most European countries. people get used to it. i don't understand this.

I'm currently developing the theory that what we, as socialists, recognize as "dual power," is actively emerging in Tbilisi, Georgia, albeit in a counterrevolutionary form. This dynamic involves a scenario where the government operates alongside a specific cluster of NGOs, media platforms, and the individuals supporting them. Essentially, dual power encompasses: