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May 8, 2018 • 48 tweets • 17 min read
Let’s start a little reading thread: this is the first thesis of dozens throughout the book, each chapter usually developing at least 3. This is the beginning of chapter 1 (there is no preface or introduction beforehand). This first section is titled: Political Materialism.
Laruelle will coin several variations of different “-pensée”s. Here, it is nietzsche-pensée, in Philosophie II and III, as evidenced by the Dictionary of Non-Philosophy, he will also discuss what he calls “world-thought” (synonym for philosophy in its must general form).
May 5, 2018 • 90 tweets • 10 min read
68/ It is important that Nietzsche invest politically from the start the necessary means for reading him or reading whichever author, that he relate the signifying or hermeneutic arrangements of the text to power relations.
69/ But what derives from this is even more important: this new relation, which overdetermines the first, which is thoroughly political, and which contains a double usage of power relations or two possible political worlds.
May 5, 2018 • 16 tweets • 2 min read
52/ this involves a subordination of textual-linguistic codes (signifier/signified), or hermeneutic codes (signification/meaning, or statements/institution) to “forces,”
53/ i.e. to what we call *partial organs of power* onto which properly political relations (fascisization/subversion, Mastery/Rebellion) come to be articulated.
May 4, 2018 • 53 tweets • 7 min read
1/ Original Translation Thread: The opening pages of F. Laruelle's *Nietzsche contre Heidegger* (1977) p. 9-11: 1. Thesis 1: Nietzsche is the revolutionary thinker who corresponds to the era of Imperialism in Capitalism, and more specifically to the era of Fascism in Imperialism.
2/ Thesis 2: Nietzsche is, in a double sense, the thinker of fascism; he is, *in a certain way*, a thinker of fascism, but he is, *above all*, the thinker of the subversion of fascism.