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What this misses: with turnout still at "only" 70-75% of 2020 in closely contested seats, plenty of slack -- it's unclear from this how much turnout (vs. vote switching) explains outcomes.

One angle: “the wave that didn’t crash.” Look at the independent vote so far:
This is a thorny question to interpret, because people will have different (and overlapping) definitions of “social and cultural” and “economic.” When you ask people what the terms mean it may surprise you—“social/cultural” is diffuse. “Economic” dominated by inflation and jobs.

Makes sense. Though I was interested to confirm this was at least partly a "nationalized politics" story. For example, Murphy 2021 *also* looks more like 2016 presidential than 2017 gubernatorial. https://twitter.com/msadowsky/status/1457443161496772609?s=20

https://twitter.com/williamjordann/status/1437960887076335621The trends in Orange County during the Trump years appear fully locked in if the recall is any indication.
https://twitter.com/rp_griffin/status/1367950877634535424Of course, also suggests gradual gain for Trump, which is interesting to the extent he stopped talking about immigration during the campaign. One hypothesis is that as its salience faded (replaced by economy and coronavirus), his potential with Hispanic voters grew.
https://twitter.com/henryolsenEPPC/status/1367613617072447490Amazed the extent to which @PostOpinions will just let you wildly make stuff up

Add it to the list https://twitter.com/williamjordann/status/1361887260862525441

On micro story relates to something harped on before -- in 2016 and 2012 VA and CO were not really "blue" states. They were actually only a couple points to the left of national margin. But Biden cracked both open, putting them more in the place of NM, or OR circa 2012. https://twitter.com/williamjordann/status/1331781658664710144
https://twitter.com/greggiroux/status/1331397731752038410Putting House polling aside (and the prospects of an expanded majority), if things had panned out more like the national polling -- around 4pts to the left of reality -- the picture is rapidly different in terms of W/L. There are a dozen GOPers up by <3.5pts, and 18 by <5pts.
https://twitter.com/OryxMaps/status/1329482042724192258It's always unclear how to interpret a midterm - but one thing that's become rather clear is the *relative* shifts we saw 2016-2018, regions within states and differences between states, were actually fairly informative of what we'd see in 2020. (think WI, AZ, GA, FL, IN suburbs)
The Trump camp probably saw these voters, who approved of him on what's usually the no. 1 issue (the economy) as a key target. Maybe rightfully. But ultimately the ones who voted for Biden did not buy into the whole Trump thing despite the positivity on the economy.


Among a not insignificant number of voters who say they voted for Trump in 2016 but Biden in 2020, 60% cite his handling of the pandemic as the reason to vote against him.
https://twitter.com/williamjordann/status/1323998171408773123And, I cannot emphasize this enough, there are as many as 5 to 6 MILLION votes yet to be counted in California alone.
https://twitter.com/williamjordann/status/1323468628789002242RCP's lack of transparency, besides being just bad practice by today's data reporting standards, is frankly suspicious and makes it more plausible the aggregator is putting its thumb on the scale to help a candidate, party, or someone/thing else.
https://twitter.com/williamjordann/status/1323468628789002242
https://twitter.com/geoffgarin/status/1322928364081061889We talk about "swing," "independent" or "moderate" voters, but often the difference-makers are probably best called "cross-pressured."
https://twitter.com/nate_cohn/status/1322865042468048898Key for the “does big turnout help Biden” folks out there. This suggests: probably
https://twitter.com/redistrict/status/1322404983044743168One of the factors in turnout is competitiveness. And Texas learned at some point in 2018 it was competitive. Seems to be leaving a mark...