Lucas Guttenberg Profile picture
Dec 11, 2019 14 tweets 7 min read Read on X
On Friday, the #EuroSummit will meet to take stock of where we are on #Eurozone reform. It will be another "keep the ball rolling" summit without concrete decisions. Still, it will be worth paying attention to the fineprint.
Thread:

consilium.europa.eu/en/meetings/eu…
1/ This edition will be the first under new leadership: With Charles Michel, we have again a @eucopresident from a € member state. Will be interesting to see if he makes EMU an explicit priority of his mandate. @Lagarde and @vonderleyen will attend for the first time.
2/ The #EuroSummit will again meet in "inclusive format". That means that all heads except @BorisJohnson are invited to participate, but he won't come to the normal #EuCo either. So even member states that have no intention to join the euro still have an equal say in the debate.
2/ The substance to be discussed is rather thin and it is unlikely that anything will be finally decided. Topics on the menu are the usual suspects:
- ESM reform
- banking union
- BICC
Basis for the discussion is the letter by @mariofcenteno👇
consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press…
3/ On ESM reform: In June, leaders had asked the Eurogroup to get the package ready for final approval by this week. They have failed to do so because 🇮🇹 has put in a veto last week for reasons that I do not fully understand.
consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press…
4/ @mariofcenteno claims that there is an "agreement in principle" that is subject to "national procedures". But it looks a lot more like @gualtierieurope primarily needs to garner more support at home for a deal that the previous government including @matteosalvinimi negotiated.
5/ On substance, formally there is still disagreement on the legal status of the Terms of References on single-limb collective action clauses. Again, not sure that this completely captures the political dimension of the veto. So it seems nothing will move here until 🇮🇹 moves.
6/ On banking union: Things are stuck. Despite the opening by @OlafScholz a few weeks back, ministers did not propose the opening of political talks on all BU elements, i.e. including deposit insurance and the treatment of sovereign bonds. Instead, technical talks will continue.
7/ What matters here is the language in the conclusions. The Centeno letter contains two crucial points:
First, he says that work on all BU elements should be done "on a consensual basis". If leaders take up that formulation in the conclusions, it would be a really bad sign: Image
8/ Most banking union legislation falls under QMV - it would be nuts to re-intergovernmentalise this policy area. So hopefully leaders do not follow Centeno here.

Second, the letter argues that work on BU should be brought "forward within this institutional cycle".
9/ It would be very welcome if leaders take up the idea of giving the work on BU a clear time frame - and 2024 seems a reasonable objective. But ideally, they would go further than Centeno and fix 2024 as the deadline for the actual *completion* of banking union.
10/ Finally, the instrument formerly known as Eurozone budget a.k.a. BICC: My sense is that leaders will not touch this sad creature in earnest until they have to - and that will be when they meet as actual #EUCO and decide on the MFF.
11/ Until then, the Eurogroup will continue to negotiate. But the really big remaining sticking point, namely whether or not there will be an IGA to put in additional resources at a later stage, will not be solved by ministers but by the leaders. Just not now.
12/ So to sum up, look for two things on Friday: How will @eucopresident formulate his ambition for EMU deepening? And what language will leaders use on banking union?

And then we all meet again in June 2020 for a new decade of Eurozone reform. The ball keeps rolling.

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More from @lucasguttenberg

Nov 24, 2021
The 🚦 agreement is actually pretty good news for a number of Eurozone files, including the fiscal rules and EDIS.

Here are the main bits:
1/ Most importantly, the text says that the fiscal rules can be "developed further" to reach three goals: Secure growth, safeguard debt sustainability and foster green investment. They should also become "simpler and more transparent, also to strengthen implementation".
2/ This is pretty big. No red lines here, but an open and constructive opening position for negotiations that can very well include a change to the rules themselves. It will be now up to the Commission and other member states to take up the offer that is in that text.
Read 9 tweets
Sep 13, 2021
Das @_FriedrichMerz-Interview im @handelsblatt ist beeindruckendes Anschauungsmaterial, wie sich ein Teil der Konservativen im europapolitischen Wald verirrt hat und jetzt nicht mehr herausfindet.

Warum das ein Problem ist:
1/ Es geht mit dem klassischen Motiv los, dass man höllisch aufpassen muss, den faulen Südeuropäern (hier stv 🇮🇹🇪🇸) nicht ihr Hallodritum zu finanzieren. Dass gerade diese Länder die ambitioniertesten Pläne zur Verwendung der EU-Gelder vorgelegt haben, bleibt natürlich unerwähnt.
2/ Es geht dann weiter zu den Schuldenregeln. Hier räumt auch Merz ein, dass die Einhaltung für viele Länder schwierig wird. Und dann wird es spannend: Er drückt sich extrem wortreich um eine Antwort herum, ob man die Regeln denn nun wirklich so einhalten sollte.
Read 13 tweets
Sep 6, 2021
Commissioner @PaoloGentiloni announces in @SZ that the Commission will only present its proposal for fiscal rules reform once there is a consensus among eurozone countries. Here's why this is a wise approach and why we are still far away from that point:
sueddeutsche.de/wirtschaft/eu-…
1/ A weird feeling has grown in recent months that an expenditure rule is the way to go to reform the SGP and that what we basically need now is a Commission proposal that the technocrats then can tweak so that everyone is happy. Everyone is now waiting for that proposal.
2/ In my view, this feeling is a trap and the Commission is now trying to avoid falling into this trap by basically asking member states to come to a consensus what they want before puttting out a proposal.
Read 14 tweets
Jun 21, 2021
CDU and CSU are about to publish their election manifesto. On EU economic governance/fiscal policy, it is in perfect continuity with the Merkel line: No openings, no thick red lines.

Quick overview:
1/ CDU and CSU say they want a "stability and growth union". Who doesn't. They say they want to return swiftly to the fiscal rules but to "develop them further without watering them down." The also want sanctions to be applied and less room for judgment. No surprise here.
2/ On the Recovery Instrument, they insist that it is temporary and a one-off - which is true. They also say it cannot lead to a "debt union" and there cannot be a mutualisation of sovereign debt - both of which are not bound to happen. So no surprises here.
Read 7 tweets
May 18, 2021
The German Constitutional Court today pulled back from the brink and put the case on the ECB's PSPP programme finally to rest. The saga ends with a lot of damage on all sides and a number of open questions.

A first take:
1/ The Court really wanted the plaintiffs to know that it's game over for now. They first declared their request for an intervention inadmissible on formal grounds. But just to get the message through, they also then went into why it was not only inadmissble but also unjustified.
2/ In the original judgment, the Court had faulted the federal government and the Bundestag for not pushing the ECB to perform a proportionality assessment of its PSPP programme. See thread for the full story and for how these two reacted:
Read 15 tweets
May 17, 2021
Ahead of tomorrow's publication of Karlsruhe's decision on whether its judgment on the ECB's PSPP programme has been sufficiently respected, let's take a look back what happened so far in this season:
1/ On 5 May 2020, the @BVerfG delivered its surprise judgment. It is important to keep in mind what the Court actually said: The addressees of the judgment were the German federal government and the Bundestag. These two had violated the rights of the plaintiffs.
2/ How did they do that? Govt and Bundestag did not, in the eyes of the Court, sufficiently pressure the ECB to explain why the PSPP programme (the ECB's quantitative easing tool) was a proportionate measure. That's it, that was the judgment.
Read 20 tweets

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