Mike Becker Profile picture
Feb 25, 2020 8 tweets 4 min read Read on X
The #Maldives has announced its intention to intervene in the #Gambia v #Myanmar case at the #ICJ concerning alleged acts of genocide against the #Rohingya. While many will undoubtedly welcome this move, I'm skeptical about the value of such an action. foreign.gov.mv/index.php/en/m… 1/8
#Maldives will presumably seek to intervene as a non-party pursuant to Article 63 of the #ICJ Statute, and it has every right to do so as a party to the #GenocideConvention. Assuming Maldives complies with Article 82 of the ICJ Rules, the request will presumably be granted. 2/8
In principle, intervention under Article 63 is limited to how the intervenor believes specific provisions of the treaty in question (ie, the #GenocideConvention) should be constructed—not to other issues in the case. Nonetheless, that likely gives Maldives a wide berth here. 3/8
So why my skepticism? I think an art 63 intervention that merely parrots Gambia’s legal position is unhelpful. It may be that the Maldives supports the overall claim yet has a different idea about what the best legal argument relating to the GC should be. We’ll see. 4/8
This is, more or less, what happened in the Whaling case, where Australia and New Zealand were aligned but deviated slightly on the best way to interpret the Whaling Convention in pursuit of the overall goal of holding Japan in breach of its obligations. 5/8
But downsides are that the intervention may slow down & complicate the proceedings (and if Myanmar objects, this may require a hearing). Intervention could also lead to different legal arguments that undermine each other. Co-ordinating positions requires further resources. 6/8
Myanmar will likely complain that intervention of this sort (undertaken expressly to support one party against the other) is inherently disruptive of the balance between the parties. It also plays into domestic narratives about how the Muslim world is ganging up on Myanmar. 7/8
So I’m skeptical. Even if the underlying impulse to express solidarity with the #Rohingya people, and those seeking to vindicate their rights, is well-intentioned, simply having multiple states take the same position will not influence the ICJ’s legal conclusions. END

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More from @mabecker17

Apr 26
Re Judge Donoghue's @BBCHARDtalk interview: I realize this won't satisfy many people, but there is a difference between saying (1) that the ICJ did not decide that claims of genocide are plausible (what she said) and (2) that the Court decided that such claims are NOT plausible.
The ICJ did NOT reject South Africa's genocide claims or declare than implausible (this is consistent with Judge Donoghue's remarks). One could instead think about this (i.e., plausibility of the *claim*) as a question the Court did not need to decide in granting interim relief.
What gets lost is that the ICJ found a real & imminent risk of irreparable prejudice to the plausible rights of Palestinians in Gaza. This is forward looking. This can be reasonably construed as a finding that S. Africa established a plausible risk of genocide *going forward*.
Read 5 tweets
Apr 9
Having now had the chance to read the Day 2 transcript in #Nicaragua v #Germany, I think Nicaragua may come up empty at the #ICJ. Not because the law means that Nicaragua’s claims are fundamentally flawed or inadmissible, but because the facts, it appears, are on Germany’s side.
Germany’s argument on prima facie jurisdiction (plus Monetary Gold) was not wholly convincing. The key difference b/w claims based on existence of a serious risk of IHL violations/genocide versus claims requiring prior establishment of violations was too easily brushed aside.
That said, I would not discount Germany’s arguments about Nicaragua’s alleged failure to have established the existence of a dispute prior to bringing the case. This case may (unhelpfully?) demonstrate why the dispute requirement (which I strongly dislike) has some merit.
Read 7 tweets
Mar 28
In response to #SouthAfrica’s request of 6 March 2024 & the deteriorating situation in #Gaza, the #ICJ has modified the provisional measures that it indicated against #Israel on 26 January. Here are some key points and observations on the decision and the separate opinions.🧵1/20
What has the ICJ ordered Israel to do? By unanimous vote, the Court directed Israel to take all necessary and effective measures to ensure unhindered provision at scale of urgently needed aid and basic services, including by increasing the number of land crossing points. 2/20
By 15-1, the Court ordered Israel to ensure that its military does not commit acts which violate the rights of Palestinians in Gaza as a protected group under the Genocide Convention, including by preventing delivery of humanitarian aid. 3/20
Read 20 tweets
Jan 26
The #ICJ will issue its decision on #SouthAfrica’s request for provisional measures against #Israel starting at 1 pm today in The Hague. If you are watching the live feed at UN Web TV (), here are some key points to look out for. 🧵tinyurl.com/5n6m94px
Preliminary point: The ICJ will not make any determination today about whether Israel’s actions in #Gaza amount to genocide. This is a question for the merits phase. This decision is about protecting the rights at issue while the case is pending.
First, has SA met the threshold test for the ICJ to issue provisional measures (PMs)? Points of interest: 1. Has South Africa established that a bilateral dispute about the Genocide Convention existed between it and Israel prior to filing the case? This goes to jurisdiction.
Read 11 tweets
Jan 11
From a legal perspective, this part of Vaughan Lowe's intervention on behalf of South Africa is absolutely essential to anticipating and addressing the core of the arguments we can expect to see from Israel tomorrow.
Making important points here about why South Africa cannot ask the ICJ to direct PMs at Hamas, and highlighting the fact that Israel's claim that it does everything it can to abide by IHL & spare civilians is undermined by Israel's actual actions, which tell a different story.
Lowe also makes the argument that the only way to ensure the necessary humanitarian response is a complete suspension of military operations that have the potential to violate the Genocide Convention.
Read 5 tweets
Dec 30, 2023
The best way to answer this is by looking at the PMs that South Africa has requested (para 144 of the request). In many respects, these requests track the PMs requested in the case against #Myanmar. In that case, the #ICJ granted some of the requested PMs but rejected others. 1/9
SA seeks PMs directing Israel: to suspend military ops in #Gaza (1, 2, 3); abide by its obligations under the #GenocideConvention (4, 6); and prevent expulsion/forced displacement, deprivation of food/water/humanitarian aid, and ‘destruction of Palestinian life’ in Gaza (5). 2/9
SA also asks the ICJ to direct Israel: to prevent destruction of evidence, including by not denying access to fact-finding missions (7); to submit periodic reports on measures taken to implement the PMs (8); and to refrain from acts which might aggravate the dispute (9). 3/9
Read 9 tweets

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