3] On the other hand, you have followers of popular organizations being sceptical about the cryptic endorsement given by their own Leaders thus far.
Infact, some have said they wont participate till their organizations are properly consulted & subsequent endorse #July31Demo
4] You also have some who are uncomfortable with the characters being consulted by Ngaribvume.
Citizens are not oblivious to the shenanigans of #Nov2017 where a supposedly APOLITICAL PROJECT was hijacked by a faction within ZanuPF who then labelled the efforts "chinhu chedu".
5] But forget about the selfies with Mangoma & the other Pastor
Or the cryptic endorsements..
Or Mwonzora's stupid sense of self-importance...
Rather, worry about the (mis)characterization of the Zim problem.
I ask again, what do WE hope at achieving after #July31st?
enkosi!
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1. Admittedly, when I first read the "structured currency" headline, I thought the Harare regime was taking its "structures" propaganda too far.
With the benefit of more research on the topic, I'm now totally convinced the Harare regime is indeed taking its propaganda too far.
2. By definition, a structured currency is "structured" in that it's supposedly backed by both mineral reserves (in our case gold) and trust in government's monetory policies & regulations.
Unfortunately, no one believes any of the two are present in our existing circumstances.
3. Part of why all previous gimmicks have failed is a trust deficit.
Even if the government opts to accuse commentators of being alarmists, causing panick and despondency, no one can be faulted for rushing to withdraw their forex savings if we have learned anything from history.
1. Imagine trying to make sense of how some 4 gentlemen in Bulawayo can randomly claim, 'we have recalled Amos Chibaya, he has ceased being a member of CCC'.
Outside the influence of social media, many only know about #CCC because of the efforts of this indefatigable organizer.
2. Propaganda has to make some sort of sense.
Even where some decide to hide behind the claim of "a traceable history in the struggle," Chibaya would make the mark.
A devoted organizer during the times of Tsvangirai & even more so, during the times of Chamisa under the MDC-A.
3. For the successive elections between 2018-2023, it's a mystery how Chibaya found the passion to abandon the comfort of his home and the herculean energy to traverse the country, organizing the Opp for electoral triumph.
Chibaya is very much unheralded & doesn't seem to care.
1. So, a group of at least 25 individuals have decided to join nonexistent forces under the otherwise much heralded #NERA banner to push for electoral reforms.
It's difficult to even identify them as political leaders because they don't represent any political constituency.
2. If you review the outcome of the controversial 2023 election, these people combined had fewer votes than the Councilors who won your ward election.
Many of them have never even bothered to field candidates in successive elections but only pop up whenever they sense a need.
3. If you were to profile them, there is one Lucia Matibenga, masquerading as PDP President.
Her "party" never contests.
She only temporarily enjoyed limelight under PDP when Sen Mwonzora brought her as his MDC-A partner before they connived to recall MPs elected under Chamisa.
1. Interesting comment on this unfolding drama by Prof Ncube.
I, however, can't help recognize the continued conflation of politics & law, which I've previously written about, regarding the formation of CCC party from MDC-A.
It's quite strange that BaNcube does the same here.
2. I take notice of @Welshman_Ncube choice of words here.
He says: MDC-A party's "...National Council resolved to reconstitute itself as CCC..."
By definition, when you "reconstitute," you simply restore or build up again, using remaining parts of whatever has been destroyed.
@Welshman_Ncube 3. However, it was a legal nulity not only for MDC-A to 'reconstitute' itself but to even meet & make legally binding resolutions to begin with.
In 2020, Justice Chitapi ruled that the MDC-A party wasn't a legal persona, effectively meaning it wasn't a legally constituted party.
1. We need to accept that we've seen enough to conclude we've no justice system in Zimbabwe.
Perhaps it's time to totally (temporarily) abandon seeking judicial recourse, particularly around political issues
Why continue subjecting ourselves to the wig wearing ZanuPF activists!
2. Let me rationalize this personal view:
Firstly, we are simply patronizing the generality of the citizens by arguing that going to these "captured courts" is an important academic exercise that exposes judicial capture.
What has been the consequence of exposing this capture?
3. ZanuPF's reaction to the damning SADC Observer Mission report is evidence enough that they don't react to "embarrassment" by showing restraint.
ZanuPF chose rather to burn SADC through an unprecedented propaganda offensive and direct confrontation with the Zambia government.