This has been a rough week in DC, but maybe we need some #energytwitter nerd threads to distract us. Today: why economy-wide GHG pricing doesn't work for the transportation sector, absent complementary policies.
1/ First, stipulate that "economy wide GHG pricing" is a supply/demand-set price per ton (or any other mechanism that treats all tons of GHG pollution as economically equivalent.)
2/ Suppose you buy a reciprocating engine to generate electricity. You run it 5 days/week, all year long, or 5x24x52 = 6,240 hours per year. When you make that investment, you plan on keeping it for 15 years before you have to replace it.
3/ Now suppose you also buy a reciprocating engine that in the form of your commuter vehicle (e.g., an IC engine). You have a 45 minute (each way) commute. You keep it for 15 years. That engine runs 45 minutes x 5 x 52 x 15 = 5,850 hours over the course of it's entire life.
4/ In other words, the same technology, but in one case used for power generation and in the other for transportation. In one mode you operate 6000 hours/yr, and in the other you operate it 6000 hours over 15 years.
5/ Since your fuel use is a function of operating hours (e.g., you don't burn gasoline while your car is in the garage), that means that fuel cost is ~15x as important to the investment thesis in a power plant as it is in a vehicle, all else equal.
6/ To put this in more personal terms: in the example above, if you average 35 mpg on your commute and get 27 mpg, you're spending $155/month on $4/gallon gas.
7/ I'll bet that's less than your monthly car + insurance payment. And note that if the price of gasoline moves by $1 / gallon, your differential cost is just $40/month.
8/ Which, by the way, is the same impact as a 25% change in fuel economy. The obvious implication being that in the (passenger) transpo sector, the economics of vehicle ownership are dominate by vehicle cost. In the heat & power sectors, the economics are dominated by fuel cost.
9/ Now let's bring that back to GHG pricing. GHG pricing, by definition is applied to the thing that emits greenhouse gases when burned - the fuel.
10/ Any price that is set at a high enough level to change the economics of the heat & power sectors & decarbonize will be too low to decarbonize transpo. And any price high enough for transpo will be way too high for H&P.
11/ Or, in economics parlance, the GHG price set in a supply/demand balanced paradigm will never clear at a high enough price to affect transportation economics.
12/ To be clear, we should - nay, MUST - put a price on GHG emissions. The point is just that decarbonizing the transportation sector will also require complementary policies that affect the price of the vehicle. I'm a big fan of feebates, personally: casten.house.gov/media/press-re…
13/ Another way to think of this for the financially inclined. How much more would you pay for a car that had zero fuel cost? e.g., in the example above, how much would you pay to save $150/month?
14/ If you are Homo Economicus rational and you are financing your car with a 7 year, 5% loan, you'd be willing to pay about $10,000 more for that car (since at anything above that level, your car payment increase > your fuel savings)
15/ Such a vehicle of course doesn't exist (Damn you thermodynamics!) but I think we can stipulate it would cost more than $10,000 more than Beck's current Hyundai.
16/ (Sorry for the obscure song reference - couldn't resist.) Point is, decarbonizing transportation requires policies to lower vehicle cost. Decarbonizing power and industrial sectors requires policies that price GHG emissions. /fin
Because there seems to be some confusion on this point. A $150/month car payment at 7 years would amortize a 5% loan. This is basic financial math, not a political statement on how much people should pay for fuel economy.
(Shorter version for those without any finance training: open Microsoft Excel on your computer. Click "help" and read up on the PMT function.)
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In a democracy, doing unpopular things is hard. The reason why CPAC goes to Hungary is because they still want to do unpopular things. Which puts us in a race: either democracy destroys today's @GOP or today's @GOP destroys our democracy. There can be only one.
This is playing out in the reconciliation drama because (a) a party that cared about being popular would have already addressed the concerns raised by their left flank and wouldn't be in this fight today but also (b) @HouseGOP so-called moderates always fold.
@HouseGOP This dynamic is also worth understanding. The rules committee should be staffed with people committed to legislation and the institution. House GOP nihilists are only on that committee because McCarthy gave them those slots so that he could (briefly) be speaker.
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A few select slides: 1/ Trump did this.
2/ CEOs, who will make recommendations on whether to invest are souring on the US economy.
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...they all voted for the budget bill that included those $880B of cuts and they KNEW this implied massive cuts to Medicaid. They hoped people wouldn't do that math at the time, and figured they could avoid pissing off Trump and kick the can down to the road for the next vote.
IOW, they aren't principled defenders of Medicaid. They toed the party line, got heat at home and are now SAYING that they want to do this right. But watch their feet and ignore their lips. These are not people with a history of standing on principle, or for their constituents.
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1. Last week, some constituents were in town and we hooked them up with a White House tour, a Supreme Court tour and then I gave them a tour of the US Capitol. They joked that they did all three branches in one day.
2. In the course of the day, we got to talking about the architecture of the 3 buildings, and how they distort our understanding of democracy. The White House is open to the people (at least the 1st floor). It's a house, designed for welcoming guests, entertaining, etc.
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1. First, for those not familiar with House procedure, before you can vote on a bill in normal order you have to vote on the rule that sets things like time for debate, amendment procedure, etc. It is normally a formality but necessary as a matter of parliamentary procedure.
2. If you are in the majority, you write the rule. Which means that you should never lose a vote to pass a rule. And yet Johnson loses them with some frequency - because his caucus doesn't respect him, or his whip Mr. Emmer.
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1. Option (a) shutdown is to pass the @HouseGOP CR. Because we are already in an illegal shutdown caused by the White House ignoring Congressional law and their text substantially weakens the ability of courts to enforce the law.