nationwide survey showing a striking desire for strong authoritarian leadership among Republican voters.
They also find shockingly high levels of anti-democratic beliefs and prejudicial attitudes among Trump backers washingtonpost.com/business/2020/…
And regardless of what happens in 2020 Trump supporters will be a potent pro-authoritarian voting bloc in the years to come.
The authors define authoritarianism as what happens “when followers submit too much to the authorities in their lives.” They measure it using a tool Altemeyer developed in the early 1980s, called the right-wing authoritarian (RWA) scale. monmouth.edu/polling-instit…
The “right-wing” label refers not to left and right political leanings as they’re popularly understood today but rather to a more legalistic sense of “lawful, proper, and correct.” It’s used to identify authoritarian tendencies among people of any political persuasion
The scale measures respondents’ agreement or disagreement with 20 statements, such as: “Our country desperately needs a mighty leader who will do what has to be done to destroy the radical new ways and sinfulness that are ruining us” and
“It is always better to trust the judgment of the proper authorities in government and religion than to listen to the noisy rabble-rousers in our society who are trying to create doubt in people’s minds.”
For each statement, a respondent can select an answer on a sliding scale ranging from 1 (total disagreement) to 9 (total agreement). The final score on the 20-question survey ranges from 20 (total opposition to authoritarianism) to 180 (total support).
They enlisted help Monmouth Univ to pose these questions to 990 American voters in fall 2019. They asked participants to answer the questions on the RWA scale, as well as some separate measures of authoritarian beliefs and prejudice toward minority groups monmouth.edu/polling-instit…
The stronger a person supported Trump, the higher he or she scored. People saying they strongly disapproved of Trump had an average RWA score of 54. Those indicating complete support, had an average score of 119, more than twice as authoritarian as Trump opponents.
Many fervent Trump supporters, Altemeyer and Dean write, “are submissive, fearful, and longing for a mighty leader who will protect them from life’s threats. They divide the world into friend and foe, with the latter greatly outnumbering the former.”
Trump’s personal authoritarian bona fides are well-established with experts warning that his attacks on basic dem principles present a clear danger to the American pol system. But his beliefs and actions r toothless without the support of M's of followers npr.org/2020/09/06/910…
Vanderbilt political scientist Larry Bartels, for instance, recently used YouGov survey data to find that many Republican voters hold strong authoritarian and anti-democratic beliefs, with racism being a key driver of those attitudes pnas.org/content/117/37…
Researchers have also consistently found that separate measures of authoritarian belief, such as a short survey of attitudes toward child-rearing, are reliable predictors of Trump support.
Not all of the president’s supporters fall into the “authoritarian” category, however. Just the extreme, mindless base.
Many express extremely authoritarian viewpoints. Roughly 1/2 of Trump supporters agreed with the statement: “Once our government leaders and the authorities
condemn the dangerous elements in our society, it will be the duty of every patriotic citizen to help stomp out the rot that is poisoning our country from within,” which Altemeyer and Dean characterize as “practically a Nazi cheer.”
Among people who disapproved of Trump, just 12 percent agreed with that statement
“Trump’s supporters are much more inclined to stomp out the people they dislike than Trump’s opponents are. This reflects the authoritarian aggression that is a central part of the RWA personality”
One common criticism of the RWA scale is that it could simply be a proxy for generic conservative or religious beliefs. Murray tested this idea by running the scale without questions touching on religious identity and sexual norms. monmouth.edu/polling-instit…
He found the different versions of the scale produced findings that were nearly identical to the original 20-question battery, suggesting the scale is measuring a distinct psychological attribute that can’t be explained away by religiosity or political ideology.
Contemporary discussions on authoritarian backsliding in the United States tend to focus on Trump and his allies in Congress. But Altemeyer and Dean’s work is a reminder that his followers will remain a potent force in American politics for years to come
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Obama feared that if he took tough countermeasures against Moscow’s cyberwarriors it might “prompt the Russians to recoil or to step up their election interference campaign making matters worse.” Obama was cautious to the point of being intimidated it seem washingtonpost.com/outlook/former…
But Brennan, who shied at the idea that the CIA’s job was “stealing secrets,” assumed an increasingly large role in the government’s killing machine. While he was Obama’s homeland security adviser from January 2009 to December 2015, he writes, Obama approved 473 strikes that
killed between 2,372 and 2,581 enemy combatants and between 64 and 116 civilians. (The civilian toll seems very low, relative to estimates by human rights organizations, but Brennan claims it’s accurate.)
Abortion
Judge Barrett has considered 3 laws restricting abortions from her home state, IN. In all 3 cases, she expressed misgivings about earlier rulings from appeals judges that had struck down the laws.
1/
In one case her court let stand a ruling that threw out a law tightening the requirements for notifying the parents of minors seeking abortions. Barrett was on the losing side joining an opinion that the ruling was premature and that the law should have been allowed to go into 2/
effect to assess its actual impact. (Not sure this is how it's supposed to work?)
“Preventing a state statute from taking effect is a judicial act of extraordinary gravity in our federal structure,” the opinion said.
3/
In unguarded moments with senior aides, President Trump has maintained that Black Americans have mainly themselves to blame in their struggle for equality, hindered more by lack of initiative than societal impediments washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
After phone calls with Jewish lawmakers, Trump has muttered that Jews “are only in it for themselves” and “stick together” in an ethnic allegiance that exceeds other loyalties
Trump’s private musings about Hispanics match the vitriol he has displayed in public, and his antipathy to Africa is so ingrained that when first lady Melania Trump planned a 2018 trip to that continent he railed that he “could never understand why she would want to go there.”
He and members of his family — immigrants from Belarus and Ukraine — had almost no political profile before organizing one of the most consequential pro-Trump demonstrations of the summer. washingtonpost.com/politics/idaho…
Almost all of the rally’s hosts used pseudonyms or variations of their names to host the Portland event on Facebook. Nikolay, who appears to operate multiple Facebook accounts, goes by Nik Kuz.
Nikolay’s wife, Yuliya Kuzmenko, goes by Julie Kuz. Another host, Tina Berezhnoy, shortened her name to Tina Bere.
When Robert F. Kennedy’s grandson Max volunteered with Jared Kushner’s COVID-19 task force, he likened the Trump Administration’s pandemic response to “a family office meets organized crime, melded with ‘Lord of the Flies.’
In April, Max Kennedy, Jr., despite having signed a nondisclosure agreement, sent an anonymous complaint to Congress detailing dangerous incompetence in the Administration’s response to the pandemic.
On his first day, he showed up at the headquarters of the Federal Emergency Management Agency and joined around a dozen other volunteers, all in their twenties, mostly from the finance sector and with no expertise in procurement or medical issues.
insisting on his absolute authority to overrule career staffers, who he said too often injected themselves into politics and went “headhunting” for high-profile targets.
Barr’s comments were remarkable in that the head of the Justice Department catalogued all of the ways in which he thought his agency had gone astray over the years, and in its current formulation harms the body politic.
I'm gonna assume morale is at an all time low
"Letting the most junior members set the agenda might be a good philosophy for a Montessori preschool, but it is no way to run a federal agency,”