THREAD: Our cover this week is about the persecution of China's Uyghurs. In our editorial, we urge governments and others to do more about this crime against humanity economist.com/leaders/2020/1…
Systematic efforts to suppress Uyghurs go far beyond the camps. Local documents (shared with us by @adrianzenz) in 1 county show nearly 10% of children in grades 1-6 lost at least one parent to detention. Many children are put in boarding schools. My story economist.com/china/2020/10/…
The local documents reveal a chilling terminology for children who've lost one or both parents to detention: "single-hardship" and "double-hardship." Extrapolating the data across Xinjiang implies as many as 250,000 children under 15 have lost one or both parents to detention
Govt documents suggest a bureaucracy racing to cope with children orphaned by the state, expanding hundreds of Xinjiang schools to board students (880,000 are boarded now, up 383,000 from 2017), and instructing educators to watch "hardship" children for psychological problems
The damage done is hard to fathom. Zumrat Dawut, who spent 2 months in a camp, told me of her children's terror that they might say something at school--where they were questioned each Friday about their home life--that would send her back to the camps economist.com/china/2020/10/…
And even in exile, Uyghurs do not feel entirely free. The Economist's sister magazine, 1843, writes of the fears of the Uyghur diaspora in London: that they are being watched by the CCP, that things they say might endanger their relatives back home economist.com/1843/2020/10/1…
Our stories build on an impressive body of work--by journalists, scholars, human rights groups and exiles--thoroughly documenting the abuses in Xinjiang. As we make clear in our cover editorial, it's past time for more people, and governments, to speak up economist.com/leaders/2020/1…
In this paper @adrianzenz explains in detail the files he obtained and the data in them that helped us form a clearer picture of the devastation wrought on Uyghur families and the impact on children adrianzenz.medium.com/story-45d07b25…
I went on our Intelligence podcast to talk about this reporting, with audio from one of my interviews. And a colleague discusses the fear exiles feel about speaking out economist.com/podcasts/2020/…
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THREAD: Following our cover this week on Uyghurs, I wanted to highlight scholars, journalists, activists and exiles who have helped expose and explain what is happening in Xinjiang, from the camps to population control to the diminishing of Uyghur identity economist.com/leaders/2020/1…
Early work exposing the camps in 2017 was done by Uyghur exile journalists at Radio Free Asia rfa.org/english/news/u… and by @SophieHRW & @wang_maya at Human Rights Watch. HRW made this call to free detainees in Sept 2017, with receipts from state media hrw.org/news/2017/09/1…
The Harvard Crimson identifies the official who in 2015 pushed to call off a campus event with a prominent Chinese dissident because then-President Drew Faust was in Beijing having just met Xi Jinping: William Alford, vice dean at the law school thecrimson.com/article/2020/4…
This is part of an in-depth look by @thecrimson at Harvard’s history of engagement with China, which carries such risks of self-censorship. I mentioned this episode, and the pressure universities can feel, in this story on Chinese students in the US google.com/amp/s/amp.econ…
Teng Biao, a human rights lawyer who was a visiting fellow at Harvard at the time, talked to me about the incident but, as with the Crimson, wouldn’t name the official who pressured him because he feared retaliation — in the US. The long arm of the CCP, externalizing censorship
I don’t know about you but I am looking forward to Br*t St*phens’ next piece: “What if Covid-19 is right?”
“Universities are now barring the virus from their campuses — and even calling off events altogether just so the virus can’t show up uninvited — another dispiriting sign of cancel culture on the left”
“Some politically correct scientists have taken to comparing covid-19 to an infectious disease, invoking dangerous stereotypes reminiscent of the Nazis.”
YouTube's global head of content policy, Chris Libertelli, was working on their new hate speech policy when I interviewed him in April. We talked about where to draw the line and I think it's worth sharing his comments [THREAD] 1/ nytimes.com/2019/06/05/bus…
"From Susan [Wojcicki] to Neal [Mohan] to everyone on down...it is an active area of discussion about where that line should be... The balance of free expression versus community protection is something that is talked about multiple times a day, every day in my job." 2/
[YouTube's content policy chief in April]: "Whether [the line] should move a lot or a little depends on the subcategory of the content that we're talking about. Should change happen? I think there's a sense that yes, there should be some change in the way we think about it" 3/