Orin Kerr Profile picture
17 Oct, 8 tweets, 2 min read
This is the absolute least important aspect of the Barrett nomination (don't say I didn't warn you), but for gunner law students, a 6-3 Court means an increasing disparity between the competitiveness of SCOTUS clerk hiring on the left and the right.

Thread below.
It's not exactly news that Supreme Court law clerk hiring fits certain ideological patterns. The courtesy practice is for applicants to apply to every Justice, but as a practical matter, Justices tend to hire law clerks that roughly share their views. greenbag.org/v13n1/v13n1_ne…
There are exceptions to this, of course. Scalia famously hired a "counter-clerk," at least many Terms. And some Justices hire from a wider range of views than others. But that's a general trend. repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewconten…
Given that, a 6-3 Court has interesting implications for law clerk hiring.

Start with the applicant pool. I would guess that the % of applicants who fit the traditional criteria for hiring is probably something like 80% left-of-center vs 20% right-of-center.
As a result, on a Court evenly divided between liberal and conservative Justices, it's already more likely for conservatives to get a SCOTUS clerkship than for liberals to get a SCOTUS clerkship.

But a 6-3 court now means twice the spots open In conservative chambers.
It will be interesting to see how that plays out in terms of clerk hiring.

At one level, it makes getting a clerkship with a liberal Justice that much more competitive. To oversimplify, 80% of the applicants are competing for 33% of the slots instead of 44% of the slots.
One response may be for conservative Justices to hire more broadly. For example, there are not-particularly-ideological clerk applicants who start in chambers of a conservative feeder circuit judge who are then recommended to a conservative Justice. That may happen more.
Alternatively, you might see a change in perceptions about the credential of a Supreme Court clerkship given the smaller number of liberal-Justice spots available.

Anyway, as I said, it's the absolute least important part of the Barrett nomination. (I warned you!)

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More from @OrinKerr

19 Oct
Justice Gorsuch, joined by Justices Kagan and Sotomayor, sends a message: If the police go onto curtilage, the legality of that is governed by the implied license framework of FL v. Jardines.

Quick thread.

supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf… Image
The case below is a Vermont case in which officers walked up a suspect's driveway and peered into the garage through a garage window.

vermontjudiciary.org/sites/default/… Image
The Vermont Supreme Court ruled that the garage was in the curtilage of the home (that is, for 4A purposes, that the area around the garage counted as the home), but that it was okay to go on it because Vermont precedents recognize a right to inspect in semi-private areas. Image
Read 14 tweets
10 Oct
How Trump uses the power fo the Presidency to make money for his favorite person in the world -- himself. nytimes.com/interactive/20…
According to the article, Trump would keep an eye out on who was funding his businesses, give them an audience, and show special attention to any government problems they had. (And if you had government problems, you knew what to do.)
In effect, he was treating his Presidential powers like they were his personal assets: You help him at Mar-A-Lago, he helps you though his executive branch authority. (A major scandal in any other administration; in this one, Saturday from 2-2:15pm.)
Read 4 tweets
8 Oct
Here's a thread with a few random thoughts about "court packing," that is, changing the size of the Supreme Court.

Bonus: My views are somewhere in the middle and are likely to annoy most people.
1) Court packing is a really bad idea. It's a major norm violation, & it destabilizes the third branch in a really dangerous way. The counterargument, of course, is that the other side has *already* violated norms; this is a counter to that norm violation. I disagree, because....
it seems to me that the real cause of the claimed "norm breaking" is the gradual devolution, in both parties, to purely partisan Supreme Court votes in the Senate. This wasn't a big problem when Presidential and Senate control were form the same party. Partisan = confirmed.
Read 17 tweets
8 Oct
Some legal education history I didn't know -- a thread.

In 1950, a significant number of law schools refused to admit Black students. That year, the AALS considered a rule that to to be an AALS member school, you had to open your doors to students of all races.
This was during the period of "separate but equal," before Brown v. Board. Private law schools could be segregated. And public law schools could be segregated but only if they provided an "equal" alternative. See, e.g., Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950).
In December 1950, a group of faculty from @YaleLawSch proposed a non-discrimination rule: A school can't be allowed as an AALS member if it discriminates on the basis of race. Desegregate, or the school is booted out of @TheAALS.

www-jstor-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/stable/2571990…
Read 10 tweets
1 Oct
Some interesting Supreme Court history I stumbled upon wasting time on Wikipedia:

On April 21, 1844, Justice Henry Baldwin died while in office. President Tyler had a little over ten months left in his Presidential term. Tyler tried to fill the seat, but was unsuccessful.
On June 5, 1844, President Tyler nominated Edward King to fill the seat. But Tyler had little support in Congress, and the Senate voted to table the King's nomination and not consider it on the merits. govtrack.us/congress/votes…
President Tyler withdrew the nomination, and then nominated John Read for the seat. The Senate ignored that nomination. President Tyler's Presidency ended with the seat still vacant in March 1845.
Read 5 tweets
30 Sep
A lot of law professors write about Supreme Court developments. I wonder what legal scholarship about the Supreme Court looks like in a world of a 6-3 conservative Supreme Court, with 5 Justices unambiguous conservatives. Does it try to meet the Court where it is? Reject it? /1
Of course, many different scholars write about SCOTUS in diff ways, on different topics. I realize I'm painting with a broad brush. But I suppose my main interest is in the internalists -- the ones who write about doctrine, implicitly or expicitly recommending different paths. /2
How many will try to speak the Court's language, such as by echoing or recognizing originalist methods? How many will just be in opposition, especially in light of the circumstances of how the Court came to have its conservative supermajority ? /3
Read 5 tweets

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