One of the arguments for permitting monopolies is that they are "efficient." That's the logic under which Universal was allowed to acquire Comcast and NBC - the "vertical integration" would make all three companies better and we'd all reap the benefit.
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It turns out that there are DISeconomies of scale, what Brandeis called "the curse of bigness" and really, the Universal-NBC-Comcast octopus is a poster child for that curse.
Comcast has just informed its subscribers that they are at risk of losing access to "Bravo, CNBC, E!, Golf Channel, MSNBC, Olympic Channel, Oxygen, Syfy, Telemundo, Universal Kids, NBC Universo, USA Network and NBC Sports Network."
That is, Comcast has warned its customers that Comcast might not license its channels to Comcast anymore.
This is a "carriage dispute" - a dispute over how much the cable operator will pay the broadcaster. It's a common dispute to have.
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But in this case, Comcast's dispute is over the accounting fiction of how much one division of a vertical monopolist will nominally charge another to access its products.
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Comcast's notice was triggered by a statutory duty to inform subscribers when a deal is set to expire with no new deal in place, and obviously Comcast can strike that deal with itself at the stroke of a pen.
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But it's not clear why it hasn't done so already, sparing the company the baffling humiliation of sending out these notices. Perhaps it's because the contours of the deal may affect its licensing rates to rivals like ATT-Time Warner.
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In other words, permitting Universal to buy both a cable operator and a zillion cable channels has put it in the position where to benefit one division, it may have to do serious harm to another.
Tell me again how monopolies are efficient?
eof/
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One of my favorite podcasts is @armandalegshow, a show about self-defense from medical billing in the US health care system. As a Canadian in the US, I often feel gaslit by the system, as my doctors and their offices act as though predatory, disgusting practices are natural.
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Arm and a Leg documents these unethical practices in eye-watering detail, making it clear at ever turn that these are Not Okay, and that they are victimizing the American people, and must be overturned. And, in the meantime, they focus on practical ways to protect yourself.
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This week's episode is a short masterclass in using small claims courts to fight predatory billing. It builds on the tale of Jeffrey Fox, a lawyer's son who has mastered the small claims system as a means of holding corporate bullies to account.
Marsy's Law is a model victim's rights law that many states have adopted (it's on the ballot in Kentucky next week), often at the behest of law enforcement agencies that argue for the right to anonymity for the victims of crimes.
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But Marsy's Law is so broadly worded that one of its primary uses is to shield violent cops - even those who kill - from public scrutiny, as @USATODAY's @kennyjacoby and @propublica's @ryangabrielson write today.
A Florida deputy handcuffed an intoxicated homeless man to a hospital bed and pepper-sprayed him in the face, then invoked Marsy's Law to remain anonymous on the grounds that his shoulder had been grazed by the wire from a pulse monitor, making him victim of a "battery."
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If you visit Amazon's Prime Video homepage, you'll see that the title of that page is "Rent or Buy: Prime Video." There's a plain-language meaning of "buy" that most of us understand, but Amazon says we're wrong.
Amanda Caudel is a Prime user who brought suit against Amazon for embedding a gotcha clause in its sprawling terms of service that allows it to revoke the videos you "buy" from it, calling the practice deceptive.
Amazon's motion to dismiss is telling: they say that you're not buying a video, you're buying a license for "on-demand viewing over an indefinite period of time." That is, a pig in a poke.
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Trumpism is an incompetent death cult. While the movement's incompetence (embodied by the inability of many of its worst monsters to keep their jobs long enough to enact their key policies) finally met its match with the pandemic, though.
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When the plague started, Trumpism's thought-leaders rushed to advise the elderly voters who constitute its base that they should engage in high-risk conduct: