The question from @RepJerryNadler to Nielsen asked about reducing CBP capacity "to process X number of people" per day, and @DHSOIG reveals that Nielsen not only knew that "X = 650," she personally signed off on those policies herself five months earlier.
The @HouseJudiciary report also sheds more light on the fact that family separation was the goal of the Trump administration from Day One.
High-level administration officials met to begin planning separations within a month of Trump taking office, and floated plans to CNN.
Within six months of taking office, the Trump administration had begun a family separation "pilot project" in El Paso.
Despite separating 281 families during a four-month period, the Trump administration never disclosed the project to the agency in charge of childrens' shelters.
- 283 children whose parents have not been found.
- 187 children whose parents have been found, but who have not been successfully contacted.
- 75 children whose parents have not been found, but telephonic outreach is expected to be successful.
The status report from today makes clear that this claim from Miles Taylor is completely wrong.
283 children remain whose parents, after “time-consuming and arduous on-the-ground searches,” cannot be found and for whom telephonic outreach is not expected be successful.
Setting aside that @MilesTaylorUSA misunderstood what today’s story was about, I want to talk about this a little more, though, because it reflects a narrative that people at DHS often used at the time reunification began—that many parents willingly gave up their kids.
NEW! The criminal bars to asylum proposed in December 2019 are finally here.
The rule will impose sweeping new asylum bans for people convicted of misdemeanor crimes as minor as using a fake ID—something millions of American college students do every day. public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2020-23159.pdf
The new criminal bars to asylum, which include not only minor misdemeanor crimes, but even situations where an immigration judge "has reason to believe" someone committed domestic violence—even if never arrested or convicted—will go into effect 30 days from tomorrow: November 20.
DHS/EOIR acknowledge that this new asylum bar—based an immigration judge having "reason to believe" an applicant has ever committed domestic battery—doesn't even require an arrest.
Immigration attorneys better prepare for mini trials, and start exercising subpoena authority.
Let's start with the facts he got wrong. Horowitz claims Pereida was convicted of "stealing the identity of a citizen" to get a job in Iowa.
Except he wasn't. The job was in Nebraska (despite biz having Iowa in name) and he was convicted of *attempted* "criminal impersonation."
Here's more of the sloppiness: Horowitz claims that "Even without stealing identity [sic], he came here illegally and should have no legal standing to remain in the country."
Except that's literally not how it works. For generations, Congress has created paths to avoid removal.
Wolf is making things up again. Here's what @DHSOIG said in 2005 about why Congress created ICE.
"ICE was established not with a focus on supporting a particular mission but rather on building an institutional foundation large enough to justify a new organization."
The entire OIG analysis from 2005 is amazing. Here's what OIG offered as one official's theory for why ICE was created in the first place—interior immigration enforcement alone would never "attain bureaucratic critical mass," so they threw a bunch of other things into the pot.
The 2005 OIG report is worth a read. It assessed whether CBP and ICE should be merged back into one immigration agency.
OIG said merger was "the optimal solution" with "almost universal" support among employees, most of whom used to work for INS. oig.dhs.gov/assets/Mgmt/OI…