There's been a lot of informative work on subgroup voting patterns in 2020. One thing I wonder about: how consistent is the story across surveys? I've been digging into crosstabs to get a sense of within-pollster, 2016-20 changes across 8 pollsters. Threading some results here...
A few things:
-why looking within pollster is key dataforprogress.org/blog/5/02/bide…
-crosstab data is here docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d…
-there's a lot of variation in how pollsters report crosstabs
-graphs show diff in Biden's subgroup margin - Clinton's (& legend shows poll's overall shift)
First by gender--movement generally in Dem direction, but shifts among women are much greater. Net gender gap increases are 11, 9, 3, 2, 9, 7, -8, 14.

2016 didn't widen gender gap, but 2020 has agadjanianpolitics.wordpress.com/2018/07/23/hav…
This also highlights how much variation there is across pollster--there's a trend here, but if you only picked up a single poll (e.g. like Pew), you might've been misled. Same thing happens for other subgroup trends.
Next for partisanship--huge gains by Biden among Independents. Not shown here, but Dems have gone from losing Indies in all 8 polls in 2016 to winning Indies in 7 of 8 polls in 2020.

Another consistent trend: Biden has done better in limiting in-party defections than Clinton did
A lot of variation across pollster, but results for race fits with other analyses (nytimes.com/2020/10/28/ups…): gains among whites and some losses among nonwhites for Biden.

Also keep in mind the inconsistent subgroup categories for nonwhites here (and missingness in some cases).
Education is another case where there's a lot of cross-pollster variation, but in general I'd say there's more consistent evidence of greater Biden gains among college degree holders (among both all Americans and whites only).
So many different ways that pollsters report (and do not report) results by age group... fuzziness aside, this reinforces gains among oldest Americans for Biden (see here too dataforprogress.org/blog/5/02/bide…). Also some consistency in gains among youngest 18-29 bracket
Lastly, for ideology, the trends mirror those for partisanship earlier: big shifts in Dem direction in the middle (moderates). Some trace of better retaining liberals too. Interestingly, conservatives (like Republicans earlier) generally trend away from Biden compared to Clinton.

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More from @A_agadjanian

30 Oct
Random thing I've been wondering about lately: based on past elections, should we care about how Independents break? (Are their voting patterns a good indicator of who wins overall?) ANES doesn't always give too large samples of Ind.'s who voted, but overall trend points to yes.
Correlation between two-party Democratic president vote shares among pure Independents (from ANES surveys) and among all Americans (election returns) is 0.87.

Same strong correlation holds for Electoral College vote share too.
2020 seems like it might fit well with this pattern given strong Biden leads among Independents in recent polls (YouGov +11, CNN +22, Morning Consult +13, NY Times +9) and overall strength in the election. (Compare that to 2016 where Clinton lost among Independents.)
Read 4 tweets
30 Sep 19
New from me @UpshotNYT: survey experiment I conducted gauging voter reactions to greater leftist rhetoric + policies coming from Dem candidates this primary season. Progressive turn solidifies Dem support, but there's backlash among Independents. Thread: nytimes.com/2019/09/30/ups…
A dominant theme of the first few Democratic debates was the leftward turn taken by candidates on a national stage, and what were the possible implications of this embrace of various progressive policies -- see some example headlines here:
Political science research (andrewbenjaminhall.com/Hall_APSR.pdf, nyu.edu/projects/polit…) suggests such extremism would be punished by voters, and that's informed speculation on reactions to current Dem rhetoric. But we still lack good contemporary evidence on how reactions play out.
Read 10 tweets

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