Lawyers may - and indeed must - seek legal remedies to which their clients are, or are arguably, entitled if their clients instruct them to do so. It is their duty to do so whether or not that can be seen as achieving political ends. Her answer skirts round that critical point.
@SuellaBraverman’s answer refers to the point that Counsel sometimes rebuked for pursuing politics by other means. That reflects the fact that - in the absence of an arguable legal remedy - the courts aren’t there to decide political questions.
But that answer, perhaps unintentionally, reveals why the current government’s critique of the courts for allowing legal process to be used to pursue politics by other means is off the mark.
The courts can and do bring political cases where there is no arguable legal remedy to an abrupt end: and they make their disapproval of such attempts known to lawyers who try it.
But in cases where courts accept that there is an arguable case for a legal remedy - as in various cases brought by those seeking relief against unlawful deportation - it is simply unacceptable for lawyers acting for those clients to be attacked for doing their duty.
A duty on which the rule of law depends, on which every single one of us may one day need to rely on, and which an Attorney General live to the duties of her high office would be loudly and firmly defending.
NB - those agreeing with that point also need to acknowledge that defences of that kind - however justified (and they are) - ring hollow to those who have real legal problems but no access to legal representation.
Why can’t I get a lawyer when others seem to be able to?
But the answer to that isn’t to attack those lawyers who do their best to help some people: it’s to make sure that similar help is available for anyone who needs legal assistance to defend themselves or to secure their legal rights.
Or, put shortly, the problem with “activist lawyers” is that there aren’t enough of them.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

6 Nov
For weekend reading (or listening) on law and politics, highly recommend @GreshamCollege lecture by Thomas Grant QC on “the Political Lawyer”. s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/content.gresha… (or listen at podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/gre…).
Great pen portraits of Bram Fischer QC (an inspiration and hero) and Maître Jacques Vergès (not so much).
And a well-justified swipe at Patel and Johnson’s attacks on lawyers for doing their jobs.
Read 4 tweets
6 Nov
Exactly. And the FTA sought by the U.K. isn’t just about tariffs/quotas. It includes eg fly-in rights for service providers (pretty critical - and a nightmare if not sorted); road transport; etc.
There is a lazy line among some political journos (not Nick) that the difference between no FTA and an FTA along the lines being discussed doesn’t matter much. It does matter.
And if there is no FTA those same journos will be writing stories about UK farmers/service providers/ordinary citizens taking very unwelcome and significant (and in many cases enormous) hits to their businesses and personal lives as a result.
Read 6 tweets
5 Nov
“Fully respect UK sovereignty” is a chameleon phrase that can mean anything (in a sense, any treaty constrains sovereignty). Both here and elsewhere, Frost’s language leaves open the necessary UK concessions on subsidy control: as I explain here.
See competitionlawinsight.com/incoming/state… for the rest of my piece.
But it is being left very late. With two problems. One is this.
Read 5 tweets
28 Oct
There are serious issues here for @ChtyCommission: charitable status should not be conferred on lobbyists or political campaigning groups.
The boundary between education (including in political ideas) and campaigning/lobbying can be tricky. But I’m not sure that @ChtyCommission spends enough time defining or policing it.
Charitable status is a form of public subsidy. If you are going to advocate public subsidy for political parties and campaigns, fine.
Read 4 tweets
26 Oct
This is right: but the reason why Westminster ratchets power to itself is that local government has no constitutional protection. (And - as the IM Bill shows - even the constitutional protection for devolution is a paper tiger when Westminster decides to ignore it.)
If you are going to decentralise in a real and lasting way, you need to remove the possibility - which politicians at the centre will always use - of using legislation to centralise power.
You could do that by a constitutional protection immune to Westminster override. Or you create a sort of Bundesrat - a body largely representing local government - to replace the House of Lords.
Read 4 tweets
24 Oct
The Protocol expressly provides that NI is in the territory to which the EU Customs Code (including checks and all tariffs apart from cases agreed by the JC) applies, and that that is true “notwithstanding” any other provisions of the Protocol. Article 13(1).
(The text is designed not to reveal its meaning until you check the cross-references: but when you do, that’s what it means.)
NB: if the author of that tweet were right that the Protocol “expressly” prevented a GB/NI border, it is hard to see any reason why the IM Bill would need to contain provisions that allow the current govt to infringe it in order to prevent a GB/NI border.
Read 4 tweets

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