Exactly. And the FTA sought by the U.K. isn’t just about tariffs/quotas. It includes eg fly-in rights for service providers (pretty critical - and a nightmare if not sorted); road transport; etc.
There is a lazy line among some political journos (not Nick) that the difference between no FTA and an FTA along the lines being discussed doesn’t matter much. It does matter.
And if there is no FTA those same journos will be writing stories about UK farmers/service providers/ordinary citizens taking very unwelcome and significant (and in many cases enormous) hits to their businesses and personal lives as a result.
To say that an FTA matters (point (1)) is entirely consistent with the equally important point (2) that the difference between even that FTA and being in the single market and customs union is also enormous and likely to cause major problems on 1/1/21, even if that FTA is agreed.
Both point (1) and point (2) can be - and are - true at the same time.
If the current govt blows up an FTA because of a misjudgment about the importance of subsidy control to the EU - or deliberately chooses to sacrifice an FTA on the altar of a dogmatic & unevidenced objection to a subsidy control regime - the responsibility will be its alone.
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On subsidy control, note that the solution apparently proposed by the EU is pretty much along the lines suggested by numerous U.K. lawyers expert in the field as a landing place between the legitimate concerns of the EU and the current UK government’s antipathy to “alignment”.
There are some differences between those proposals: but the basic structure of each of them is along the lines apparently now proposed by the EU. The current UK government should now bite the bullet and accept this sensible way forward.
Lawyers may - and indeed must - seek legal remedies to which their clients are, or are arguably, entitled if their clients instruct them to do so. It is their duty to do so whether or not that can be seen as achieving political ends. Her answer skirts round that critical point.
@SuellaBraverman’s answer refers to the point that Counsel sometimes rebuked for pursuing politics by other means. That reflects the fact that - in the absence of an arguable legal remedy - the courts aren’t there to decide political questions.
“Fully respect UK sovereignty” is a chameleon phrase that can mean anything (in a sense, any treaty constrains sovereignty). Both here and elsewhere, Frost’s language leaves open the necessary UK concessions on subsidy control: as I explain here.
The boundary between education (including in political ideas) and campaigning/lobbying can be tricky. But I’m not sure that @ChtyCommission spends enough time defining or policing it.
Charitable status is a form of public subsidy. If you are going to advocate public subsidy for political parties and campaigns, fine.
This is right: but the reason why Westminster ratchets power to itself is that local government has no constitutional protection. (And - as the IM Bill shows - even the constitutional protection for devolution is a paper tiger when Westminster decides to ignore it.)
If you are going to decentralise in a real and lasting way, you need to remove the possibility - which politicians at the centre will always use - of using legislation to centralise power.
You could do that by a constitutional protection immune to Westminster override. Or you create a sort of Bundesrat - a body largely representing local government - to replace the House of Lords.