Ratification of a Future Relationship Treaty by the UK [THREAD]

The UK Government cannot ratify a treaty with the EU unless and until it has complied with, or disapplied, Part 2 of the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act [1/x]
The default rule is that the Government has to lay a copy of any treaty it reaches with an international organisation. It then has to give Parliament 21 joint sitting days to scrutinise the treaty.

That means both Commons and Lords must be sitting for each of those 21 days [2/x]
How long is 21 joint sitting days? The Commons is only expected to sit Monday-Thursday each week for the rest of 2020.

Parliament usually is in recess (at least) between Christmas and New Year.

This leaves only 15 Commons sitting days in December (1-3, 7-10, 14-17, 21-24) [3/x]
So you need to make up (at least) another 6 sitting days, either in November or in Fri/Sat/Sun sittings.

The last six sitting days in November are 19, 23-26, 30.

So you have to lay a treaty by Wednesday 18 November or have more sitting days later. [4/x]
The 21 sitting days are notionally quite important because they provide a window within which Parliament can object or raise concerns about a treaty.

But there is no guarantee in law of any debate or vote on a UK-EU future relationship treaty. [5/x]
Anyone wanting a debate has to rely on (a) the Government providing for one in its own time or (b) otherwise making time for debate on a motion (perhaps on an opposition day).

This is different from the Withdrawal Agreement. Statute provided for “meaningful votes” [6/x]
If the Lords resolves against a treaty, it cannot block its ratification. However, the Government must justify proceeding regardless.

If the Commons resolves repeatedly against a treaty, however, it can effectively veto a treaty indefinitely. [7/x]
Now these default rules aren’t the end of the story. The normal rules in CRAG can be displaced in one of two ways.

The first route is the “Section 22 strategy”

The second is the “Bill strategy”. [8/x]
The Section 22 strategy involves the Government arguing that the treaty is an “exceptional case” for whatever reason.

There could still be debates in both Houses on the treaties, and even binding votes, but section 22 would allow the Govt to curtail the waiting period. [9/x]
The second strategy (my hunch more likely) is that CRAG might be in most senses ignored. @DavidGHFrost has already told Parliament he expects primary implementing legislation for any treaty.

CRAG was disapplied by a Bill for the Withdrawal Agreement: same again plausible [10/x]
The Government might, given time pressures, go straight to introducing a Bill, making the pace of ratification dependent on its smooth passage through both Houses.

But they could also schedule debates on the treaty itself as a form of preliminary political consent. [11/x]
This is similar to what was done for the UK’s accession treaty, and separates the principle of ratifying from implementation.

The framing of what decisions Parliament is taking, and when, may influence perceptions about how acceptable a pressured timetable is. [12/12]

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More from @woodstockjag

12 Sep
Both the Advocate General for Scotland and the Attorney General have argued in recent days, that section 19 of the Human Rights Act 1998 provides a precedent for the UK legislating contrary to its international obligations.

[THREAD] [1/15]
The Government's argument seems to be that this illustrates both how:

(a) domestic law and international law sometimes come into conflict; and
(b) this sometimes justifies Ministers acting contrary to international law and/or Parliament legislating contrary to it. [2/15]
Specifically, they point to section 19 of the Human Rights Act 1998. This provision imposed a new obligation on Ministers when introducing a Bill before Parliament.

A Minister has to make one of two statements, in writing, when they are introducing a Bill. [3/15]
Read 15 tweets
11 Sep
The amendment referred to here by @tnewtondunn has been published. You can find it on today's amendment paper here. publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill…

There follows a short thread explaining what this amendment does and what it does not do.
The default rule about "commencement regulations" is that they are made by a Minister without any form of Parliamentary approval. By default, that is what would happen with clauses 42, 43 and 45 (the ones that break, and enable the Government further to break, international law).
This amendment would mean that the commencement regulations for each of those sections is subject to a further vote by the @HouseofCommons. A motion would have to specify which sections were coming into force and on what date.
Read 9 tweets
10 May
I got something wrong in a couple of Tweets about 15 minutes ago, but useful to explain what I got wrong and why.

Latest press briefing is that people will soon be allowed to exercise outside with one person from another household (if socially distanced). (1)
Contrary to what I originally said, it's not clear that you could do this at the moment. Why?

(a) you can be outside the house for exercise

and

(b) only some gatherings of more than 2 people are prohibited

But from that it doesn't follow two people can exercise together. (2)
This is because you need a "reasonable excuse" to be outside. There's a list of reasonable excuses and it includes exercise, but it's a bit more specific. It says you can be out "to take exercise either alone or with other members of their household". (3)
Read 9 tweets
19 Mar
Sunset clauses are an important safeguard against the use of unusually broad or general executive powers. They also take different forms: (a) time limiting provisions in an Act (b) time limiting the power to make regulations or (c) time limiting the effect of regulations. (1/8)
The purpose is to ensure e.g. that emergency powers are not used beyond what is needed to deal with genuine conditions of emergency. In the UK it gives Parliament a safety valve in case it thinks an emergency no longer pertains or Gov't measures are no long appropriate. (2/8)
Our existing emergency legislation already tries to strike that balance. The Civil Contingencies Act 2004, for example, provides two key time limits. Regs lapse after:
(a) 7 days from the point they are LAID; and
(b) no more than 30 days after they are MADE. (3/8)
Read 8 tweets
6 Feb
Since you didn't ask.

Section 29(2)(d) of the Scotland Act 1998 says something is outwith competence if it is "incompatible with EU law".

Section 126(9) of the 1998 Act defines "EU law" but with reference to "EU Treaties".

The 1998 Act doesn't define "EU Treaties". (1/x)
So off you go to Schedule 1 of the Interpretation Act 1978.

It does define "EU Treaties". But it just says "what EU Treaties means in the European Communities Act 1972".

(2/x)
So you go to section 1 and Schedule 1 of the European Communities Act 1972.

They define the "EU Treaties" by reference to a list.

But then you find out that the ECA was repealed by section 1 of the EU (Withdrawal) Act 2018 "on exit day" (31/01/20). You think you're stuck. (3/x)
Read 7 tweets
19 Dec 19
Here is the EU (Withdrawal Agreement) Bill 2019-20.

publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill…

First impressions.

Three clauses removed.

Clause 30 on MPs' veto over extension? Gone.
Clause 31 on Parliament's role re future relationship? Gone.
Clause 34 and Schedule 4 on workers' rights? Gone.
5 new clauses:

Clause 30 on Joint Committee dispute resolution reporting
Clause 33 banning Ministers from agreeing to an extension
Clause 35 banning the use of written procedure in the Joint Committee
Clause 36 repealing spent enactments
Clause 37 changing stuff re Dubs children
The much briefed stories about letting lower courts depart from CJEU judgments, rather than just the Supreme Court and High Court of Justiciary? That seems to be a new subsection in clause 26(1) of the Bill. It gives Ministers a power to decide when lower courts can do this.
Read 7 tweets

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