I see lots of reassuring advice to ignore Trump's lies about the election because he'll be gone in 71 days.
Conspiracy theories about a 2010 plane crash that killed a Polish president offer a darker warning: A big lie about a president's fall can permanently contort democracy.🧵
In April 2010, Polish President Lech Kaczyński died when the airplane carrying him went down near the Russian city of Smolensk in what turned out to be a failed attempt to save time by landing on a foggy airstrip in a dark forest.
Initially, Lech Kaczyński’s twin brother, Jarosław, seemed to accept that the crash was an accident caused by a faulty old airplane. But after investigations showed the plane was fine, Jarosław turned to baseless conspiracies about sinister plotting by foreign & domestic enemies.
Jarosław Kaczyński rode the conspiracy theory back to a position of power as a language to mobilize his followers and convince them to distrust the government and media.
In 2016, @anneapplebaum thoughtfully drew the parallel to how Trump used birtherism and the invented threat of immigrant crime to stoke the passions of his support base and become president. washingtonpost.com/opinions/globa…
Following Trump’s defeat in the 2020 election, his next act seems to add the presidential downfall of Lech to the conspiracy-laden demagoguery of Jarosław. That is, Trump is now poised to offer his followers the mythical embodiment of both Kaczyński brothers: martyr and savior.
By picking up support from Republican politicians & official communications from the Justice Dept., Trump is repeating what Jarosław Kaczyński did via military and police questioning after returning to power in 2015: institutionalize the lie w/ official innuendo, even w/o proof.
As @anneapplebaum warned in 2018, adherence to the lie at the heart of Polish politics gives the far right a basis to evaluate blind loyalty & tolerate broken promises, illegal behavior, & other offenses committed while defending ideology or pursuing power.theatlantic.com/magazine/archi…
It’s easy to imagine the same thing happening here in the years ahead, as Trump's base remains convinced they were cheated in 2020, and thus they become even more disposed to condone actual cheating in future elections, disinformation, partisan warfare, or even violence.
Beyond the lasting damage that would inflict on American democracy, do Republican leaders want spend possibly decades having to profess belief in (or at least openness to) this lie as a qualification for winning any primary election or appointment to Republican administrations?
Tough in the short term but redounding to all our benefit over time, the solution is as simple as the lie itself: institutionalize the truth. Nip it in the bud before the current suspicion among 70% of Republicans solidifies into an unassailable mythology. politico.com/news/2020/11/0…
The pivotal moment for loud and clear truth will come as soon as the recounts and legal processes end. All Republican leaders must tell Americans that the election was free and fair. They must also urge Trump to let it go the way he did birtherism in 2016. nbcnews.com/politics/2016-…
We have much to be grateful for over the past week, starting with a free and fair election and robust rule of law. The lies about the election too shall pass, but how quickly and how much lasting damage they inflict are in the hands of Republican leaders in the weeks ahead. 🔚
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While Russia uses "a range of measures" to interfere in the Nov. 3 election, the Kremlin spends covert foreign money to meddle in two elections a couple days before that on Russia's borders. One will be revealed later this week. In today’s thread: Georgia. codastory.com/disinformation…
The Georgian job is run by the Kremlin dept. for "Inter-Regional Relations and Cultural Contacts with Foreign Countries," headed by SVR Gen. Vladimir Chernov & staffed with FSB, GRU, & SVR officers. Its real aim is to prevent color revolutions near Russia. dossier.center/chernov/
.@dossier_center got a trove of internal Kremlin documents, from Russia's $8 million budget to fund Georgia's pro-Russian political party in the four months before the Oct 31 election to emails showing Kremlin control over the party's political consultants.dossier.center/georgia/
I told @ak_mack that covert foreign money is just as threatening as online interference and it would be comparatively easier to build resilience to these financial weapons by closing legal loopholes. foreignpolicy.com/2020/08/18/leg…
This interference tool, which we call "malign finance," is less studied but just as common as cyber and disinfo. In a typical case, a regime oligarch funnels $1 million to a favored political party (although buying influence in a national election costs more like $3-15 million).
In this must-read piece, @FranklinFoer warns that 2016 was merely the Kremlin's opening salvo. Their goal wasn't limited to helping elect Trump. Their toolkit evolves and isn't limited to cyber or social media. They want to take down American democracy. theatlantic.com/magazine/archi…
Kudos to @FranklinFoer for highlighting a tool of foreign interference that doesn't get enough attention because it wasn't among the two main attack vectors in 2016 but Russia has actively deployed it since then: malign finance.
We learned from @etuckerAP a week ago that @DHSgov and @FBI warned the states of eight possible Russian tactics for the 2020 election, including three offline threat vectors: financial support, covert advice, and economic/business levers of influence. apnews.com/8e96b52c88d836…
Key revelation today: The "fictional narrative" that it was Ukraine and not Russia that interfered in our 2016 election "has been perpetrated and propagated by the Russian security services themselves." [THREAD]
Immediately after making that unambiguous attribution in her prepared remarks today, former senior official Fiona Hill noted that "some of the underlying details [of the intel assessment that Russia was the foreign power that attacked us in 2016] must remain classified."
Not all of this is new. We learned from FBI interviews released earlier this month that Manafort was pushing this baseless conspiracy theory starting in 2016, and that it "parroted a narrative" supported by former GRU officer Konstantin Kilimnik.
.@IgnatiusPost raises important questions. This year's quid pro quo could have been an encore performance of a similar 2017 effort by Trump & Giuliani to condition a White House visit & military assistance on (stopping) investigations as a favor for Trump. washingtonpost.com/opinions/did-t…
In 2017, the White House visit was for Zelensky's predecessor, Petro Poroshenko. In both cases, the Ukrainian gov't needed public US support as a signal to Russia. In both cases, Giuliani was in Kyiv beforehand seeking favors beneficial to Trump around investigations into 2016.
The main difference is that in 2017 Mueller was in the driver's seat of US investigations into 2016, so Trump's preference seems to have been that Ukraine NOT cooperate.
In 2019, with AG Bill Barr in charge, the favor sought by Trump was that Ukraine SHOULD cooperate with Barr.
Monday's letter from the House successfully pressured the President to sign the long-awaited second round of CBW sanctions on Russia for the Skripal poisoning, but Trump seems to have chosen the weaker options and it could be diluted further with waivers. nytimes.com/2019/08/01/us/…
As background, because Moscow didn't promise and allow verification that it would stop using such weapons, the Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW) Act requires the President to choose at least 3 of the 6 options below. It turns out that Trump chose to impose THE FIRST THREE:
(1) no multilateral loans, (2) no US bank loans nor credit provision to the Russian govt except for food, (3) no exports to Russia of goods/technology, (4) no imports from Russia of goods, (5) downgrade or suspend diplomatic relations, & (6) no Russian airlines to land in the US.