2. What our piece does is the following. First, to argue that democracy is an information system, where the most crucial information that needs to be protected is the scaffolding of beliefs that democracy needs to work.
3. Second, that like other more traditional information systems (think computer servers) the key vulnerabilities are much more easily exploited by insiders (U.S. politicians) than outsiders (Russian trolling efforts). And that explains why U.S. democracy is in trouble.
4. As we briefly mention (and Hasen explains at length), it is wildly unlikely that Republican efforts to overturn the election will work. But what is far more likely is that the interlocking beliefs that U.S. democracy requires to function properly will be seriously damaged.
5. The key insights we are building on are Adam Przeworski's (we refer to him in the piece). Adam's understanding of democracy suggests it is more fragile than most people believe (see washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/… for more).
6. He sees democracy as a way of managing deep differences between citizens without resorting to violence. Votes, as he famously describes them, are "paper stones." So why and when do groups throw paper stones at each other rather than real ones?
7. The answer he provides is that they do this when it is in their interests to do so. They will accept elections that go against them when they believe that there are long term benefits from political stability and when they have a fair shot at trying again in future elections.
8. But when they don't believe that these elections will be fairly conducted, their incentives to accept democracy dwindle rapidly. They are likely to behave accordingly, grabbing advantage when they can. And so too are their adversaries, perhaps creating an escalatory spiral.
9. The lesson that Przeworski offers is that democracy depends on beliefs, and that these beliefs can be readily disrupted, leading to democratic backsliding. And that is what appears to be happening now thanks both to Trump, and his enablers, who are reshaping Republican beliefs
10. Furthermore, their actions undermine the beliefs of Democrats that Republicans will abide by results that go against them, or will resist the temptation to cheat when they think they can get away with it. This may lead to further unraveling.
11. As we say, this doesn't mean U.S. democracy is doomed. The U.S. federal system is complex, messy and hard for any one party to dominate. It does mean that (barring unexpected changes), we are in for a long period of democratic stasis (in both modern and classic Greek sense).
12. The real problems of American democracy don't really involve foreign influence, but domestic undermining by politicians with trusted access. When we should really expect trouble is when insiders break bad. And the current Republican party has gone full Walter White. Finis.
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2. The role of major newspapers and networks in the U.S. "saying" that the presidential election has been won is weird, and as far as I know highly unusual internationally. It obviously isn't a law - but it has become a collective norm/expectation.
3. While I don't know of any research on this (but IANA Americanist), my presumption is that this is a contingent byproduct of a decentralized vote counting system, where there isn't any immediate official decision as to what has happened overall.
1. (thread) reuters.com/article/us-chi… This story talks about a report suggesting that China should move away from the SWIFT financial network to reduce its vulnerabilities to US penalties and surveillance. It's _just_ a report. Still, as @RichardMNephew says, "Watch this space."
3. Systems such as SWIFT used to be disregarded in the same ways as the plumbing of a building is disregarded - so long as it works, who cares? Now, however, the plumbing is becoming political as networks are weaponized. China's problem is that it can't readily retaliate in kind.
1. Thread on my and @ANewman_forward piece at Lawfare lawfareblog.com/schrems-ii-off…, which in turn builds on our recent book amzn.to/2UVnyI6 . Short version - the Schrems II decision taking down Privacy Shield transfers etc. doesn't mean what US commentators think it means.
2. US security people have reacted to the decision with disappointment, derision or anger (a strong sense of 'there go those crazy ECJ judges again' pervading the debate). They find the notion that international surveillance should be subjected to judicial scrutiny weird.
3. But this, we say, fundamentally misunderstands how surveillance has changed in a world of fast communications networks and interdependence. It's not just targeted and expensive pursuit of high value targets - instead it involves bulk collection of data on entire populations.
@annawiener has a great new article on Section 230 in the New Yorker this morning. IR scholars tend not to pay much attention to domestic laws like 230. In a new piece (forthcoming in @IntOrgJournal) @ANewman_forward and I argue that's a mistake
2. A next to-final draft is here - dropbox.com/s/tvyxmwqvwwjf…. Our argument is straightforward - that rules like 230, which effectively delegate the regulation of user-generated content to platform companies - were the foundation of the global communications order.
3. They not only underpinned the business models of companies like Facebook, but seemed like a win-win for the US model of liberalism, spreading US values (open communication) at the same time as they promoted the economic interests of US companies.
I just finished writing a piece on the demise of Bleeding Heart Libertarians and the divisions among intellectual libertarians an hour ago crookedtimber.org/2020/06/09/bro…. Then @lindsey_brink writes an essay which speaks more directly to the disagreements. It's strong stuff.
"When it comes to making government strong enough and capable enough to do the things it needs to do, libertarianism is silent. Actually, worse than silent. ... [it] .... is dedicated to the proposition that the contemporary American state is illegitimate and contemptible."
"The gradual diffusion of these anti-government attitudes through the conservative movement and the Republican Party has rendered the American right worse than irrelevant to the project of restoring American state capacity. "
Lara has been doing research on political organizing in Pennsylvania. Erica and Jeremy have been gathering an extraordinary large scale dataset on protests across the US. They combine these understandings in this piece to figure out how the Floyd protests are changing America.
Their findings. First - we have never seen protests as broad as these in US history. Likely the widest set of protests to this point were the Women's Marches, which took place in 650 places across the US. Even with highly preliminary data, clear that far more is happening now.