Kim Stanley Robinson's "The Ministry for the Future" is the most important book I read this year. It's near-future fiction about the world climate change is creating, and how it will change us, and we will change it.
There's more to say about the book than I possibly can here, but it's key virtue is it takes our present more seriously than we do. and then it asks questions many are afraid to ask — about capitalism, about the morality of violence, about how we ignore what we already know.
It's not just dystopia, to be clear. It's utopic, in a way. Robinson is imagining a world where we change course. But this is a grim kind of success. It's success with a body count. It's a warning to those reinforcing the status quo of what the eventual snapback might look like.
I wish every policymaker, and everyone, would read the book. Not because I agree with everything in it, but because it clarifies the present so sharply.

I just had him on the podcast to discuss it, and it's one of my favorite conversations ever: vox.com/2020/11/30/217…
But don't just listen to the podcast. Buy the book! (But, you know, also listen to the podcast, which is good on it's own terms, and includes way more discussion about eco-marxism): hachettebookgroup.com/titles/kim-sta…

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More from @ezraklein

30 Nov
So Brian Deese will likely lead the National Economics Council. Deese spent the last few years running "sustainable investing" at BlackRock, which kicked off controversy among climate activists, but I think this is good news for climate policy, for a simple reason:
Even if Deese isn't your ideal of climate policymaker, he's the only plausible candidate for NEC whose actual focus and expertise is climate policy. And a WH where the NEC is led by a climate hawk is going to be quite different than one where climate is siloed elsewhere.
To lay my biases on the table first: I reported on Deese's work throughout the Obama administration, and have a lot of respect for him as someone who gets hard things done in government, wants to do the right thing, and grasps policy debates unnervingly fully and quickly.
Read 10 tweets
26 Nov
I think this story on GPT-3 takes a little too much comfort in ways the system remains imperfect when the key fact is it’s getting better, at more and more varied tasks than anyone predicted, at astonishing speed. nytimes.com/2020/11/24/sci…
I’m not a big AI-apocalypse, or even AI-jobpocalypse guy, but the possible levels of both economic and just psychic disruption as AI shows it can do so much of what we do without sweat is real.
I mean:
Read 5 tweets
20 Nov
After nearly eight amazing years building, editing, and working at @voxdotcom, I am leaving to join @nytopinion, writing a reported column on policy and the policymaking process, and hosting an interview podcast.
Helping to build @voxdotcom has been the great privilege of my journalistic life. It is so much more than I ever could have imagined, and that’s because of the insanely creative, committed people who work there. I love them more than I can say. I will cheer them on forever.
I’ve always believed it’s important for founders to know when to let new generations take the reins. One of the great privileges in starting Vox was we got to build without anyone looking over our shoulder. We got to pursue our vision, make our mistakes, imagine our future.
Read 10 tweets
18 Nov
Just a real cool, vox.com/2020/11/18/215…
totally normal, not-at-all-trying-to-steal-an-election-no-way, vox.com/2020/11/18/215…
Republican Party we've got here vox.com/2020/11/18/215…
Read 4 tweets
13 Nov
To offer a comment on this (good!) thread by Ross, you have to decide what you're trying to explain: The GOP's turn towards Trumpism, or increasingly sorted disagreement between the parties.
In the case of that piece, my focus is narrow: countermajoritarian institutions explain why Trumpism has been viable.

In their absence, American would still be very polarized. But it'd be polarized between better options, and the conflict would play out with better incentives.
Something I try to make clear in my book is that polarized disagreement isn't going away, and *nor should it*. What's important is how that disagreement maps onto other political institutions, from elections to parties to congress to the media. That's where our dysfunction lies.
Read 5 tweets
13 Nov
One thing @anneapplebaum and I talk about towards the end of this podcast, and that I keep coming back to, is Trump wasn't even the hard test of our institutions.
He’s not an omnicompetent autocrat demanding we choose between effective governance and liberties. He’s not a strategic autocrat who hides his narcissism or nepotism. He’s not a beautiful speaker who cloaks his lust for power in glittering ideals.
And yet, the Republican Party fell so easily to him. So what happens when a more competent, capable, would-be autocrat tries this strategy, in a party where Trump already laid the groundwork? vox.com/21562116/anne-…
Read 5 tweets

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